Was Bob McDonnell Convicted with Tainted Testimony?

Was Bob McDonnell Convicted with Tainted Testimony?

Jonnie Williams' trial testimony about a critical meeting with the former governor was contradictory, implausible and sometimes incoherent. But the jury bought it anyway

Read More

Building Connectivity in Suburbia

Building Connectivity in Suburbia

Sunnyvale, Calif., wants to reinvent a 60's-era industrial office park as an innovation district. It's making progress but suburban sprawl is not an easy habit to break.

Read More

The Great U.S. 460 Swamp

The Great U.S. 460 Swamp

VDOT had loads of warning that wetlands could kill the U.S. 460 project but the state charged ahead with a design-build contract that everyone knew could explode.

Read More

Coming up: Car-Lite Burbs

Coming up: Car-Lite Burbs

A California developer is teaming with Daimler AG to bring buses, shuttles and ride sharing to an Orange County community -- with no government subsidies.

Read More

Putting the “Garden” in Rain Garden

Putting the Garden in Rain Garden

Soon Virginians will start spending billions to meet tough storm-water regs. Lewis Ginter Botanical Garden wants to show how we can save the bay – and look really good doing it.

Read More

Ain’t Too Proud to Beg

temptationsBy Peter Galuszka

The World Wide Web is a wonderful thing. It can provide useful, nearly instantaneous information, build communities and topple dictators.

It has also wreaked havoc on how journalists and commentators gather and disseminate original content. Tens of thousands of journalists have lost their jobs because the old business model that paid them has collapsed.

Blogging, fashionable for two decades ago, is, of course an offshoot of the Net. It is based on slicing and dicing other people’s original content.

Jim Bacon and I do that on this blog, but we also accomplish a lot more. We create our own original content that often is unique. Between us, we have more than eight decades of experience and hope that shows in our work.

We have been working mostly for free, but we need to pay our bills. Some blogs and Net services have paywalls or require subscriptions.  We’re not asking for that, but we are requesting that you consider making a contribution so we can keep on doing what we have been.If you would like to contribute you can do so by looking at the payment icon on the upper left of the home page.

Many thanks.

Back to Big Lick

The old Norfolk & Western Railway headquarters complex, with Hotel Roanoke in the background.

The old Norfolk & Western Railway headquarters complex, with Hotel Roanoke in the background.

by James A. Bacon

In the early 1880s, Gilded Era industrialists created a railroad junction at the town of Big Lick in the Roanoke Valley, opening up the western Virginia coalfields to development. The community renamed itself Roanoke after the river running through it, and the newly formed Norfolk & Western Railway set up its headquarters there. In the late 19th century, Roanoke was a boom town: a hub of railroad traffic and manufacturing and a gateway to the burgeoning Central Appalachia coal industry.

Eventually, the boom subsided, but Roanoke continued to fare well. Besides hosting a number of corporate headquarters, the Star City of the South, so named for the giant star on Mill Mountain, served as the retail and administrative center for much of western Virginia. When I lived there in the early 1980s — covering the coal and railroad beat for the Roanoke Times — Roanoke was a delightful community surrounded by natural beauty. I enjoyed living there and was sad to leave.

But my personal journey mirrored the intractable economics that Roanoke, and other cities its size, is struggling against. As a young reporter, I didn’t see much of a career path upward. To get ahead, I had to move. Ambitious young professionals in other fields faced the same dilemma. No matter how much they liked living there, many had to relocate to rise in the world. As the United States evolved into a Knowledge Economy, large metropolitan regions enjoyed tremendous advantages over Roanoke-sized cities by virtue of larger labor markets.

Roanoke has stagnated since I lived there. The writing on the wall appeared as early as 1982 when the Norfolk & Western Railway merged with the Southern Railway and located the new corporate headquarters in Norfolk. The top jobs left the city but, as part of the deal, the combined Norfolk Southern Railway did keep a major administrative presence in Roanoke. Now, three decades later, comes news that 500 employees working in marketing, accounting, information technology and other departments — desirable white-collar jobs — will be moved to Norfolk and Atlanta.

The company said it is closing the Roanoke office building to achieve departmental synergies, to make better use of its real estate assets and to support its goal of streamlining its management workforce. According to the Roanoke Times, Norfolk Southern President James A. Squires described the action as a consolidation having nothing to do with work force or business issues peculiar to Roanoke. The Roanoke office was less utilized than the offices in Norfolk and Atlanta, he said.

But that’s disingenuous. Of course the move had everything to do with Roanoke — or, more precisely, the size of its labor market. If Norfolk Southern had excess space in Norfolk, Atlanta and Roanoke, in theory, it could have shut down a Norfolk or Atlanta office and consolidated employees to the other two. Office space in Roanoke, I’m willing to wager, has the added advantage of costing less. But, the fact is, Norfolk and Atlanta are much larger labor markets, making it significantly easier for the railroad to recruit employees with white-collar skills.

The migration of corporate operations and white collar employees in the United States goes one way — from smaller cities and towns to bigger ones. The process does not work in reverse.

Looking back, Roanoke had one shot at bucking the trend — hitching up with the scientific and engineering brainpower at Virginia Tech. In theory, Blacksburg and Roanoke could have supported one another, with Virginia Tech spinning off high-tech start-ups and Roanoke providing financial, legal and other professional services. Despite the efforts of the Roanoke-Blacksburg Technology Council to bridge the 42-mile gap, the hoped-for synergies never really materialized. The Roanoke and New River valleys are divided by rugged mountains and connected by a single thread, Interstate 81. The 45-minute travel time created a psychological divide that has been hard to overcome.

It’s tremendously sad. The people of Roanoke are good people. In my personal experience, they are friendly, community-minded and egalitarian in spirit. It doesn’t seem fair that their economic prospects are leaking away because of forces beyond their control. But the world isn’t fair.

Dominion’s Strange Ploy to Avoid Audits

dominion By Peter Galuszka

Dominion Virginia Power appears to be getting its way with strange legislation to freeze its rates and avoid regulatory audits for the next six years.

The state senate will hold hearings today on a bill that would cancel biennial rate reviews by the State Corporation Commission to 2020. Dominion’s rates will be frozen and couldn’t go up or down.

The utility’s reasoning is that it may have to spend a lot to comply with unfinished regulations by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency that would cut carbon emissions from coal plants by 30 percent by 2030 compared with 2005 levels. Always looking out for its customers, Dominion doesn’t want to stick them with astronomical rate hikes resulting from the EPA rules.

The bill was drafted by Dominion, the state’s largest donor to political campaigns, by Sen. Frank Wagner (R-Virginia Beach) who is the go-to guy for laws favoring energy firms.

In 2004, Wagner sponsored legislation that allowed companies the right to survey land for proposed natural gas pipelines without having to obtain the owner’s permission first. The nettlesome law figures heavily in the current battle by property owners over proposed gas pipelines in the state, notably the $5 billion Atlantic Coast Pipeline in which Dominion is a partner. The pipeline would take gas 550-miles from West Virginia, through Virginia and on into North Carolina. Dominion has sued more than 240 landowners who have refused to grant access. They are challenging the constitutionality of the pipeline law in federal court.

There’s a lot odd about Wagner’s current bill. The first problem is that it would supposedly protect Dominion customers from federal rules that aren’t even final. It is weird that Dominion would use the excuse that it might be socked with huge costs by having to shutter coal-fired plants. Surprise, surprise! Dominion announced several years ago that it would shut down aging coal units in Yorktown and Chesapeake. So, what’s the connection between the new EPA rules and coal-plant closures?

Atty. Gen Mark Herring says that the Wagner bill is a ploy to keep Dominion from having its profits overseen by the SCC because the utility might have a $280 million surplus that ordinarily might have to go back to ratepayers. After  a 2011 SCC rate review, Dominion had to pay back $78 million to customers.

The other oddity is why Dominion and Wagner are suddenly so scared about exploding costs brought on by the EPA. After all, prices for natural gas, which fuel some of Dominion’s units and is  less polluting than coal, are very low – so low that the fracking boom that released a flood of cheap gas is slowing down considerably.

Environmental groups say that the Wagner bill is a gift for Dominion. The senator has received more than $43,000 in donations from the utility over the years.

Show the Love, Support this Blog

love_baconDear readers,

Bacon’s Rebellion is Virginia’s leading non-partisan blog devoted to state and local public policy issues. There are other great blogs in Virginia, but they are aligned with one partisan viewpoint or the other. We’re different. We focus on policy issues — not politics — and we entertain a wide variety of perspectives. People don’t read Bacon’s Rebellion to seek confirmation of their biases, they read it to challenge their biases and engage in intelligent, civil discourse.

With one brief interruption, I’ve been publishing Bacon’s Rebellion since 2002. I have supported the blog through sponsorships, in which various groups have provided financial support to underwrite quality journalism. I will continue seeking sponsorships, but the marketplace is changing: People with the resources to hire experienced writers often want to publish their own blogs and publications. I have to put bread on the table, and so does regular contributor Peter Galuszka, and if that means dedicating our time to publications other than Bacon’s Rebellion, then that’s what we have to do.

If you like Bacon’s Rebellion… if you appreciate the content and commentary you find here and nowhere else… I ask you to please support the blog financially. The more readers collectively contribute, the more time Peter and I can devote to Bacon’s Rebellion.

In the left-hand column, you’ll find a “Contribute Now with Paypal” button which will allow you to voluntarily “subscribe” to the publication. (We also take credit cards.) Pick a level of support with which you’re comfortable — $2 monthly, $5 or even $10 — and accept our thanks.

James A. Bacon Jr.
Publisher

Update: Many thanks to readers who have contributed to Bacon’s Rebellion. You are wonderful, we feel your love, but you are too few in number. Therefore, we’re launching into NPR-style fund-raising mode. We will elevate this and other appeals to the top of the blog as long as it takes to generate a respectable revenue flow.

NoVa Still Drives Virginia’s Population Growth

population_change

Virginia’s population surpassed 8.3 million inhabitants as of July 1, 2014, according to the latest estimates by the Weldon Cooper Center for Public Policy’s demographics group. Still the nation’s 12th largest state, Virginia ranked 10th in absolute population growth in 2014.

Despite the economic slowdown caused by sequestration in the past year, Northern Virginia accounted for nearly three-fifths of the state’s population growth. Numerous localities in economically depressed Southside and Southwest Virginia continued to lose population.

 

biggest_gainers2As seen above, the biggest gains in absolute numbers occurred in existing population centers, especially Northern Virginia with  more modest growth in the Richmond and Hampton Roads regions. Loudoun County led the pack over the four-year period.

percentage_growth

In terms of percentage growth, the story was very different. Two groups fared well: older, established urban areas like Fredericksburg, Alexandria, Manassas and Charlottesville showed strong growth; and counties on the metropolitan fringe like Loudoun and New Kent. Growth rate between counties and cities, says Weldon Cooper in a press release, has established “relative parity” since 2010. That represents a marked departure from the pattern that has prevailed since World War II.

– JAB

Addressing the Real Source of Voter Disenfranchisement

voter_disenfranchisementby James A. Bacon

While partisans of a particular political party, which shall go unnamed, works itself into a righteous wrath over Voter Identification laws that supposedly threaten to bring back the Jim Crow era, they have been less vocal about the very tangible disenfranchisement of African-Americans created by the denial of voting rights to people with felony convictions. Perhaps it’s too embarrassing to bring up the issue because it was that very same party, in its pre-Civil Rights incarnation as the party of Southern segregation, that enacted those laws in the first place.

But consider: Of Virginia’s 6.4 million citizens of voting-age population, 450,000 have been disenfranchised by their felony status. The laws disproportionately affect black citizens. In 2010, 20% of the state’s voting-age African-American population could not vote as a result of a felony conviction, according to Helen A. Gibson, a University of Virginia civil rights historian, writing in the current edition of The Virginia News Letter.

In “Felons and the Right to Vote in Virginia: a Historical Overview,” Gibson walks through the history of what she calls “felon disenfranchisement” in Virginia in ante-bellum Virginia, the Jim Crow era and the Civil Rights era. “Despite recent steps toward reform,” she writes, “Virginia continues to struggle with its legacy of one of the highest disenfranchisement rates in the country.”

But the state has made progress in recent years. Former Governor Mark Warner streamlined the application for non-violent offenders to get their voting rights restored, reducing the period they had to wait before petitioning to get their rights restored. Former Governor Bob McDonnell issued an executive order making 350,000 Virginians convicted of non-violent felonies eligible to have their voting rights restored without the three-year waiting period. Most recently, Governor Terry McAuliffe has reduced the waiting time for restoring voting rights to those convicted of violent felonies and petitioned to have drug offenses removed from violent felonies. (Seventy-two percent of Virginians incarcerated for drug offenses are African-American.) The administrative systems for restoring voting rights has not kept pace with these gubernatorial actions, so voting-right restoration lags.

Here’s what I’d like to know: How many people have been unable to vote in Virginia due to Voter ID disenfranchisement compared to how many have been unable to vote compared to felony disenfranchisement? Maybe two or three hundred compared to two or three hundred thousand? Would it be asking too much to have the rhetoric of outrage directed at the source of greatest injustice?

The Many Problems of Offshore Drilling

deepwaterBy Peter Galuszka

Almost five years after the infamous Deepwater Horizon disaster in the Gulf of Mexico, President Barack Obama has again proposed opening tracts offshore of Virginia and the southeastern U.S. coast to oil and natural gas drilling.

The plan poses big risks for what may be little gain. Federal surveys show there could be 3.3 billion barrels of crude oil and 31.3 trillion cubic feet of natural gas in the potential lease area stretching from Virginia to Georgia.

Energy industry officials praised the plan while complaining it doesn’t go far enough. Environmental groups including the Sierra Club and the Chesapeake Bay Foundation condemned it. Besides the ecological risk, the move is a step away from refocusing energy on renewables that do not lead to more carbon emissions and climate change.

Obama’s plan would restrict drilling to areas more than 50 miles off the coast. This is a sop to the Navy and other military which conduct regular exercises offshore and to the commercial and sports fishing industries.

Is the restriction worthwhile? It is generally easier for oil rigs to be placed in shallow water and much of the areas off of Virginia and northeastern North Carolina and off of South Carolina and Georgia are in plateaus that aren’t very deep – maybe just a few hundred feet. Yet the Atlantic takes a huge plunge not far off of Cape Hatteras, descending as much as two miles down.

Drilling in deep water presents special problems for oil companies involving high pressure and high temperatures. That was the case with the Deepwater Horizon tragedy on April 20, 1010 that killed 11 workers. One big factor that a blowout preventer, designed to shut down the rig if drilling hits abnormally high levels of pressure, didn’t work completely. The rig was in 5,000 feet of water and crude spewed uncontrolled. Winds from the south washed the oil towards land and polluted nearly 500 miles of coastline in Florida, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana. An estimated 49 million barrels of crude were released.

oil-drilling-mapAlthough it isn’t certain if energy firms would drill in the very deep waters off of North Carolina, there is cold comfort in the fact that the Deepwater rig was only 48 miles from shore. In other words, it would have been too close in for the latest plan involving the southeastern coast. Supposedly, blowout preventers have been upgraded but there were still spills involving them off of Brazil and China post-Deepwater.

If something like that happened closer to home, it is not exactly certain where the oil would go. Winds can blow from the ocean and currents are very fickle. The Labrador Current might tend to push spilled oil back onto environmentally sensitive shoreline while the Gulf Stream might tend to take the spilled oil out to sea.

There is no question that drilling off any of the southeastern coast would be of some benefit to the now-struggling Tidewater economy since it has plenty of steel-bending industries, an able workforce and no significant bridges to pass under to reach deep water. It might help since the defense sector is winding down, but who knows what world conflicts will be like in 2025. Hampton Roads would be a more logical staging area than other ports such as Wilmington, N.C., Charleston or Savannah.

There’s a rub, however. The 3.3 billion barrels of estimated reserves isn’t that much. It is a fraction of the total estimated reserves in the country. Energy sector officials claim there is probably much more. Okay, fine, but no one knows for sure. The natural gas reserves involved are also somewhat small – just a fraction of the estimated reserves in the U.S.

It’s not the first time offshore drilling has come up locally. There was a big push for it in the late 1970s, prompting oil rig giant Brown & Root to buy up land near Cape Charles for fabricating rigs. Nothing happened and much of the land now is used for a luxury golf community. Obama was supposed to back lease sales in 2010 but then Deepwater happened. This begs the question – if the offshore petroleum is so valuable, why has it taken so long?

Yet another issue is what cut Virginia would actually get from offshore drilling. There was a flap a few years ago when offshore drilling was being pitched. Some revenues to states from offshore petroleum production are computed by how much shoreline a state has. In Virginia’s case, it is not much, at least when compared to North Carolina. Virginia politicians have pointed this out and hope for some adjustment.

No one can predict energy markets a decade from now. For instance, no one knew that hydraulic fracturing would increase petroleum production by 64 percent and possibly make the U.S. a petroleum exporter for the first time since the 1970s. Granted it is a rock and a hard place kind of choice. Fracking is fraught with pollution problems just as offshore drilling is.

There are certain to be plenty of lawsuits over the offshore plan and economics will likely determine its future. An important choice is whether it is worth risking Virginia’s military, resort and fishing businesses for Big Oil whose promise is uncertain when it comes to offshore drilling.

The Strange Story of Health Diagnostic Laboratory

HDL's Mallory before her fall.

HDL’s Mallory before her fall.

By Peter Galuszka

The biggest problem facing the health care industry in Virginia and the rest of the country isn’t Obamacare or the lack of new medical discoveries. It the lack of transparency that hides what is really going on with pricing tests, drugs and hospital and doctors’ fees. Big Insurance and Big and Small Pharma cut secret deals. We are all affected.

I’ve been wanting to blog about this – especially after Jim Bacon’s recent post on the supposed tech trend in health care – but I wanted to wait until a story I’ve been working on for a few weeks was posted at Style Weekly, where I am a contributing editor.

In it, I explore the strange story of Health Diagnostic Laboratory, a famed Richmond start-up that went from zero to $383 million in revenues and 800 employees in a few short years. The firm said it was developing advanced bio-marker tests that could predict heart disease and diabetes long before they took root. HDL’s officials thought it would transform the $1.6 trillion health care industry.

Richmond’s business elite applauded HDL founder Tonya Mallory, a woman who grew up just north of the city and had the strong personality and drive to create the HDL behemoth. Badly wanting a high tech champion in a not-so high tech town, the city’s boosters did much to publicize HDL and Mallory, believing they could draw in more startups.

The story was too good to be true. It start to deflate last summer when the federal government noted that HDL was one of several testing labs being probed for paying doctors $17 for using HDL tests for Medicare patients when Medicare authorized $3 per test. Mallory resigned Dept. 23. Several lawsuits by Mallory’s former employer, Cigna health insurance and another have accused HDL of fraud. HDL has responded in court.

One legal picture suggests that HDL wasn’t a true tech startup but a new firm that stole intellectual property and sales staff. HDL says no, but its new leader Joe McConnell has taken steps to reform sales and marketing and is said to be working with the U.S. Department of Justice to settle a federal investigation.

The HDL affair raises issues about the inside marketing and apparent payoffs that are the biggest problem the health care industry faces. It doesn’t matter what kind of “market magic” combined with new technology comes up if something like this keeps happening.

This is all the more reason for a universal payer system. That may be “socialized” medicine but in my opinion it is the only logical way to go.

Medical Crush

surdak

Chris Surdak

by James A. Bacon

One day historians will look back upon the healthcare debate in the United States and marvel at how oblivious the politicians, lobbyists and pundits were to the massively disruptive changes to come. Congress battling over Obamacare and Virginia legislators grappling over Medicaid expansion will appear to future generations like so many dinosaurs hunting and munching and rutting, totally unaware that a meteor bearing down on them would bring them all to extinction.

In the view of futurist Chris Surdak, author of “Data Crush: How the Information Tidal Wave Is Driving New Business Opportunities,” the U.S. health care system is beyond reform. Massively entrenched special interests — physicians, hospitals, pharmaceutical companies, insurance companies, Medicare and Medicare recipients —  are deeply wedded to the status quo. “They are politically very powerful,” he tells Bacon’s Rebellion, “and rhetoric is all about self-preservation and self propagation. Who wants to see an unlicensed doctor? Who is against helping sick people?”

But that system is so dysfunctional and resistant to change that it will collapse as entirely new medical practice models emerge. Writing in HP Matter: The Healthcare Issue, Surdak identifies game-changing technologies that will give rise to new medical products and services that will deliver such better outcomes at less cost that they will render the old system obsolete.

New sensors are making it possible to track an ever-growing array of medical markers — temperature, pulse, blood pressure, glucose, cholesterol and virtually any kind of molecular compound — around the clock in real time, and then to transmit that data to central repositories where it can be subjected to predictive analytics. Soon, writes Surdak:

When you or I feel a bit sick it will be completely normal for us to stop by a vending machine at the mall, buy a disposable, $5 plastic cube (like today’s Square credit card reader), lick it, and then get an accurate diagnosis of our ailment in 10 seconds or less.  We’ll then get a coupon for the best treatment for that ailment and an invitation to consult with a five-star specialist in that condition, who practices medicine on a different continent. This will all be normal to us by 2020.

Existing health care providers will avail themselves of these technologies to make incremental improvements to the quality and cost of medical care, but they have no incentive to disrupt the system in which they are so heavily invested. Real change will come from entrepreneurs who build new business models around the technology. Healthcare incumbents can stifle domestic competition — although it is interesting to see how big players like drugstore chains are planning to disrupt the urgent care and diagnostics businesses — but they can’t quash competition from abroad.

Medical tourism, a large and growing industry, will explode, Surdak predicts. Instead of traveling outside the country for big-ticket procedures like open-heart surgery or kidney transplants, patients will consult with their doctors via FaceTime or Skype.

With telemedicine, it won’t matter where I live, or where my provider practices; we will simply log into a consultation session online. As a result, I will seek out the very best providers wherever they are in the world, and they in turn will work to market directly to me through online exchanges not unlike Angie’s List or eBay. This transformation is already taking place, and doctors who do not join such exchanges immediately will, again, find themselves providing commodity services to the least-common denominators in the market.

Traditionally, incumbent businesses have used their power to influence laws and regulations to protect themselves from competition. Change is moving so fast, however, that the politicians and regulators won’t be able to keep up, Surdak says. Much as Uber disrupts the transportation-for-hire industry by entering a market, developing a constituency and then asking for regulatory permission, the new wave of medical providers will develop powerful constituencies — new business ecosystems and, most importantly, happy patients — before the incumbents can shut them down.

If Surdak is right, and I think he might be, there will be a huge reshuffling of winners and losers. The biggest winners will be patients, who will get better medical treatment at lower cost, and the new wave of medical enterprises. The losers will be hospitals, insurers and physicians wedded to the status quo. If they don’t adapt, they will go extinct.

Insofar as state and federal governments pay for half the tab for the nation’s healthcare, governments will be big winners, too. The changes Surdak predicts could bend the medical cost curve radically downwards. Tens of trillions of dollars in future Medicare and Medicaid liabilities could evaporate. Boomergeddon will never arrive, and I’ll have to write a groveling apology.

I asked Surdak if there is anything that government can do to hasten medical disruption, especially at the state level. He suggested that we could get to work dismantling the barriers to change — professional licensure requirements, Certificate of Need regulation, mandated medical benefits — by which vested interests protect themselves. But from his Olympian perspective, he didn’t seem to think it really mattered. Disruption is coming regardless.

From a Virginia-centric perspective, I think it does matter. I draw an analogy with the deregulation of the banking industry in the 1980s. North Carolina got the jump on Virginia, enacting deregulation a couple of years before Virginia did. North Carolina banks started the process of consolidation and rationalization earlier than Virginia banks, eventually growing big enough to swallow the Virginia banks whole. Today, banking is a pillar of the North Carolina economy, not of Virginia’s. Similarly, if Virginia medical institutions are subjected to the full force of Surdakian disruption earlier than their peers in other states, they will have more time to adapt and innovate. They could emerge from the ashes stronger than before.

Will Virginians take up the challenge? I’m not optimistic. We don’t call ourselves the “Old” Dominion for nothing. But you never know. Medical miracles occasionally do happen.

Campus Rapes Must be Reported to Police

hunting groundBy Peter Galuszka

You can’t have it both ways.

The Virginia General Assembly is taking steps to make it mandatory that officials at state universities report to police allegations of sexual assault, except for crisis counselors.

The move follows the incident at the University of Virginia which was turned upside down by a flawed report in Rolling Stone magazine that a female student had been gang raped in 2012.

Although there are strong doubts that the rape took place in that case, it broached the issue that if a student reports rape on campus, school administrators may not be inclined to do much about it. The assaults often occur at parties where alcohol is readily available.

After the Rolling Stone bombshell hit, U.Va. officials temporarily suspended activities at fraternities and sororities to sort matters out. The university now has rules that ban mixed drinks and require sober monitors at Greek parties.

That’s a good step, but I think the General Assembly is wise to take it a step further with its requirement that alleged rapes be referred to law enforcement. Why not? Rape is a serious felony nearly up there with murder. Would school officials not report that one student had apparently killed another? Crisis counselors would be exempt from the requirement, so students in pain and unsure of what to do would still have a protected outlet to find help.

The Washington Post editorialized today that the legislature should take slower steps when considering new laws to help prevent campus rape. The newspaper believes that pushing ahead with mandatory rules on reporting rape would make victims not want to report anything at all. It wants to wait until a state commission tasked with reviewing campus rape issues deliver its report.

The Post is wrong here. Rape is rape. Of course it is incredibly personal, but if it is a crime, it should be reported as one. Doing so not only would affirm the rights of the victim, it also might help exonerate supposed perpetrators who have been falsely accused.

Having rape regarded as a true crime would demystify it and allow all sides to deal with it properly. And it’s not as if rape is suddenly no longer a college problem after the Rolling Stone story evaporated. A new documentary released at the recent Sundance film festival called “The Hunting Ground” is said to uproot rape cultures at schools such as Harvard, Notre Dame and the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.

If the film is accurate, Virginia legislators are right to address the problem, regardless of how the University of Virginia situation played out.

Incidentally,  poll taken by the Judy Ford Wason Center for Public Policy at Christopher Newport University shows that 90 percent of voters survey think the police must be informed  of campus rape allegations rather than have them handle internally. The results were released today.