Monthly Archives: June 2017

Ed Gillespie: a Leader with Imaginative Ideas and Meaningful Solutions

William J. Howell

by William J. Howell

The June 13th Virginia Primary is quickly approaching and it is time to choose a Republican who can offer the kind of responsible, conservative solutions our Commonwealth needs and deserves.

Fortunately, we have a candidate in Ed Gillespie who is wholly committed to ideas and policies based on principles of limited, effective government. He will lead Virginia with humility and fortitude, and will work closely with the Republican-led General Assembly to govern.

I have known Ed and Cathy Gillespie for a more than a decade, and I have always been impressed. He was an aide to House Majority Leader Dick Armey, the primary author of the Contract with America, and served as a state and national party leader. He is well versed in policy details and is an authentic and genuine communicator.

But what impresses me the most today is his laser-like focus on policy. Never have I seen a candidate so focused on substantive issues and real solutions. To date, Ed has released four policy plans, including a plan to provide meaningful tax relief in a responsible way, a 15-point ethics plan to increase confidence in government, a real reform plan to make state government work better, and a path toward regulatory relief that will tear down barriers to entry for job creators. His imaginative ideas and pragmatic approach to government is what Virginia needs to get back on track.

Our economy struggled during the McAuliffe-Northam Administration. Our growth rate was stagnant at two percent or below for five straight years and Virginians from every walk of life took hits. We need a governor who will work with our General Assembly and act in a collaborative manner to enact change. Ed will do that, as is evident from the support he enjoys from over two-thirds of the Republican members of the House of Delegates and Senate of Virginia.

As I think back on my time as Speaker of the House of Delegates, I am reminded of the countless conversations I’ve enjoyed with hard-working Virginians about our great Commonwealth. There were good times and bad but through it all, the honor I felt in being given the opportunity to serve never diminished.

I also had the opportunity to watch and work with many gubernatorial candidates – some went on to be successful at the polls and at the Capitol, others saw different results. Few have impressed me in the way Ed Gillespie has in his run for governor this year. Ed is a man of character and ideas.

As we come upon the time of year in Virginia where it is time to make a choice about our candidates for governor, I encourage you to join me in voting for the man I am confident will lead with focus and in the same tradition of our most effective governors.

Ed often says he isn’t running to be something rather he is running to do something. He’s earned my vote and my confidence.

William J. Howell, R-Stafford, is Speaker of the House.

Fairfax Snags AWS Corporate Center, 1,500 Jobs

AWS data center in Ashburn. Photo credit: Atlantic

Governor Terry McAuliffe announced a major economic-development coup yesterday: Amazon Web Services (AWS) will locate its new East Coast corporate campus in Fairfax County, creating up to 1,500 jobs. AWS, which already operates several data centers in Northern Virginia and distribution centers downstate, will provide cloud computing services from the new campus.

“When one of the world’s most successful companies chooses to expand its footprint across Virginia, it is a testament to our talented workforce and business climate,” McAuliffe said in a press release. “Because it was a priority to win this transformational project, we partnered with Virginia’s Major Employment and Investment Project Approval Commission to ensure that AWS chose the Commonwealth. We have a longstanding relationship with Amazon and are proud that the company will continue to play a key role in building the new Virginia economy.”

Virginia competed successfully against Texas and Washington for the project.

Amazon employs nearly 7,000 Virginians. Between the AWS corporate center and a new distribution center in Frederick County, the Seattle-based technology giant will add more than 2,000 jobs over the next several years, said Secretary of Commerce and Trade Todd Haymore.

“The actual infrastructure at the heart of AWS’ infrastructure-as-a-service isn’t the thing that makes it important to developers; it’s the services and APIs built on top of that infrastructure,” wrote Ingrid Burrington in a 2016 Atlantic magazine article about AWS’s Northern Virginia operations.

AWS cloud services provide web hosting, application hosting, storage and backup, content delivery, and scalable database solutions, according to the press release. “AWS offers over 90 fully featured services for compute, storage, networking, database, analytics, application services, deployment, management, developer, mobile, Internet of Things (IoT), Artificial Intelligence (AI), security, hybrid, and enterprise applications.”

Bacon’s bottom line: AWS’s decision to locate in Fairfax County is good news. I take it for granted that the 1,500 technology jobs will pay well. As a bonus, these jobs represent a significant step toward the diversification of Northern Virginia’s economy away from direct federal employment, adding luster to the region’s status as the nation’s leading location for data centers. While the federal government will be a major customer, the corporate center will serve private and nonprofit clients, too.

A criticism of data centers is that they support few jobs. Well, the AWS campus will support a lot of jobs. This announcement is very good news, and none of what follows should diminish the accomplishment.

However….. I do have questions. AWS will be eligible to receive $7,000 in state incentives per net new job created, up to 1,500 jobs. That represents a state subsidy of up to $11,250,000 for the company with the fourth largest market capitalization in the world ($423 billion as of March 31, 2017).

The state “custom performance grant” will be triggered by Amazon hiring 600 employees. The Virginia Economic Development Partnership (VEDP) worked with the Major Employment and Investment Project Approval Commission to secure the project. McAuliffe approved the grant, which also must be approved by the General Assembly. Although the press release did no say so, Virginians can be reassured that the grant is contingent upon AWS creating the jobs it says it will.

But why is any subsidy necessary? The press release says that Virginia competed with Texas and Washington state for the project. Really? Virginia competed with Texas and Washington for an East Coast corporate center? The press release says that AWS will be providing services to businesses, government, and educational organizations.” The biggest government customer of all happens to be the federal government, the center of which is within spitting distance of Fairfax County. If you want to provide cloud services to Uncle Sam, you need a location in the Washington metropolitan area, not halfway across the country.

One of AWS’s services is GovCloud, designed to host sensitive data and regulated workloads. States the GovCloud website: “AWS GovCloud (US) is operated solely by employees who are vetted U.S. Citizens on U.S. soil, and root account holders of AWS accounts must confirm they are U.S. Persons before being granted access credentials to the region.”

The website does not mention GovCloud employees requiring security clearance, although I would find it difficult to imagine that they wouldn’t. Lending credence to my conjecture, AWS works closely with Corporate Office Properties Trust (COPT), a real estate investment trust that specializes in national security tenants.

“Amazon’s relationship with COPT may help reassure federal and local government agencies that the Amazon US East facilities meet their requirements,” wrote Rich Miller in Data Center Frontier in September 2016.

“Security is in COPT’s DNA,” the company says, noting its historic focus on security. That includes Anti-Terrorism/Force Protection (ATFP) compliance, with a controlled perimeter greater than 150 feet from the building, biometric access controls, man traps, video surveillance zones, and extensive experience building SCIF (Sensitive Compartmented Information Facility) space for government clients.

Given the emphasis on security for data-center infrastructure, it would seem likely that similar considerations would prevail at the Fairfax County corporate center where employees provide value-added services. Surely it would be easier for AWS to recruit employees with security clearances in Northern Virginia than either Washington, where GovCloud is currently located, or Texas.

I welcome Amazon as a corporate citizen of the Commonwealth. But I have a tough time swallowing a $11 million subsidy for a cloud-services project that logic dictates should be located (1) near federal agencies in Washington, D.C., and (2) in a mid-Atlantic location easily accessible to the entire east coast to serve other clients. (Perhaps there is a third advantage — physical proximity to the company’s Northern Virginia data centers, but that’s pure conjecture on my part.)

VEDP and the MEI commission undoubtedly had good reasons for providing the grant. But we’ll never know how well the commission conducted its due diligence. Economic-development deals are always treated as highly confidential, and the public never gets to know the justification for why public funds are expended. I hate the lack of transparency.

No, Reduced State Subsidies Do Not Drive Tuition Increases

One of the great debates in higher-education policy is the relationship between cuts in state subsidies for colleges and universities and increases in tuition. Over the past two decades states (including Virginia) have curtailed state support, and college tuitions have soared. The higher-ed lobby argues that the one is the direct and proximate cause of the other: Institutions raise tuition to compensate for state cuts.

The national debate has played out here in Virginia. Last year, House of Delegates fiscal analyst Tony Maggio estimated that between 1996 and 2015, for every dollar the state cut in college subsidies, public Virginia institutions raised tuition by two dollars — implying that half the tuition increases could be attributed to the cuts. In March, Heywood Fralin, a member of the State Council of Higher Education for Virginia (SCHEV) contended that using a 2001 starting date for the analysis would have shown a dollar-for-dollar correlation between reductions in state support and higher tuition — in effect blaming the cuts for 100% of tuition increases. (See “Deciphering Higher Ed Statistics.”)

Against the backdrop of the same debate playing out nationally, Preston Cooper, an American Enterprise Institute scholar, has published research that reaches a remarkable conclusion: There is almost no correlation between changes in state funding and changes in tuition. State budget cuts account for maybe 5% of the tuition increases.

Proponents of the “state disinvestment” hypothesis blaming state cuts for tuition hikes are correct that smaller state subsidies among the 50 states has coincided with aggressive tuition increases nationally. Between 2004 and 2015, state subsidies per student fell by $1,319, or 15%, while average tuition increased $3,488, or 56%. But there is little causal relationship between the two trends, Cooper argues.

To the statistically untutored, those numbers might appear to suggest that roughly 38% of the tuition increase can be explained by state cuts. But such a superficial reading fails to explain why tuition rises both during periods of increasing subsidies and declining subsidies.

In his paper, “Pennies on the Dollar: The Surprisingly Weak Relationship between State Subsidies and College Tuition,” Cooper delves deeper than broad aggregate numbers. He examines year-to-year changes for hundreds of public universities across the country.

Citing the work of economist Howard Bowen, Cooper suggests that colleges do not seek to minimize costs like corporations do. They are not profit-maximizing institutions. (They are, I would suggest, prestige-maximizing institutions, which drives them to spend money on projects to enhance their rankings.) Colleges and universities, he contends, seek to maximize all available revenue streams and then benchmark their costs to the revenue they are able to raise. “An institution finds a way to use each dollar it accesses.”

Institutions charge all the tuition they can all the time. Whether direct subsidies go up or down is irrelevant. Subsidies and tuition are independent of one another; the pass-through rate is zero.

Cooper’s data indicate that Virginia’s public four-year colleges and universities actually have a slightly negative pass-through rate — 6.1%. “Negative pass-through,” he explains, “does not mean that institutions respond to subsidy cuts by reducing tuition outright but that institutions reduce tuition relative to its (sic) underlying trend when subsidies fall.”

Cooper theorizes that universities, reflecting their core mission of teaching, do try to avoid slashing instructional spending. Cutbacks fall most heavily on research and administrative costs.

Bowen … predicts that institutions will raise more revenue than they need to provide education and then channel the excess funds into superfluous expenditures that may be tangential to the core educational mission. When revenue streams contract, this low-value spending will be the first to go.

A corollary of Bowen’s theory, suggests Cooper, is that increasing state support for higher education will lead to trivial reductions in tuition. Colleges and universities will seek to maximize tuition revenue in any case. But more generous state subsidies will fund increased spending. Rather than increase direct support to institutions, he argues, states should consider abolishing subsidies and using the money to fund grant aid to students.

Bacon’s bottom line: I find Cooper’s theory intriguing, and I think it provides a useful frame of reference for examining trends in state subsidies and college tuition in Virginia. But I would like to see how the numbers play out before accepting his findings. In particular, his theory suggests that institutional spending would increase or decrease (with a year delay) in response to changes in state support. While the task might be tedious, it should be easy enough to look up the numbers. If I have time, I will do so and report back to readers.

Frank Wagner in the Center Ring

By Steve Haner

Sen. Frank Wagner, R-Virginia Beach, came to the General Assembly in the 1991 election, as part of a large GOP class that included future Governor Bob McDonnell, future Attorney General and Supreme Court Justice Bill Mims, future U.S. House of Representatives Majority Leader Eric Cantor and current State Senate Majority Leader Tommy Norment.

Those names probably produce a mix of reactions with readers, but if you take the job of legislator seriously there will be bumps in the road and controversy. People will cheer you sometimes and cuss you other times. Like the others listed above, Wagner has taken the job seriously. Nobody gets mad at the back-benchers, but years later people also strain to remember them.

Combine Wagner’s legislative success with his Navy career and his experience building a ship repair company, and Wagner is extremely well prepared to be Virginia’s next governor. If he gets there, I’m confident he will think long-term and value good policy. He will have my vote June 13 and I hope I get a chance to vote for him again in November.

A third of a century watching the doings in Richmond has taught me that governors do matter. When big things happen, good or bad, it is usually with the governor doing the pushing and the pulling.

But what governors propose the legislature must dispose. If Wagner does not get a chance to move into the mansion and pick his own brew for the kegerator, he will remain chair of a key Senate committee and a member of the budget conference committee. The next governor (if smart) will be calling Wagner as often or more than Wagner will be calling that new governor.

The power in Richmond abides with the Assembly. This was on my mind as I listened to a tribute Monday to retiring Speaker of the House Sen. Bill Howell, R-Stafford. I doubt he would trade his two decades as speaker for one term as governor, and few governors in my experience have had greater impact on the lives of Virginians than Howell has. And yes, some people have cussed a time or two.

The General Assembly takes its lumps on this blog, with one contributor in particular comparing it to the Ringling Brothers’ clown corps. Me, I always liked the clown acts. Emmett Kelly. Lou Jacobs. Reflecting on my own time inside the tent, holding safety ropes, scooping poop, hawking cotton candy, enjoying the view from ringside, it is the legislators I’ve known who come to mind. That Class of 1991 turned out extremely well. But as a rule, every legislator I’ve known had the ability to make a contribution, had some issue they understood well, had their own shot at the center ring. Most were and are remarkable in some way. Virginia has been better served than many realize.

Sure it’s a circus, and there are clowns, but look up there above the center ring.  Now it’s Frank out there walking the high wire hoping for stardom and risking a big fall.  t the other end of the wire is another performer who climbed up from the sawdust, Ralph Northam. That’s the show we all came to see.

Steve Haner is a lobbyist who is the principal of Black Walnut Strategies.

How Well Do Virginia Colleges Teach Critical Thinking?

Source: Council for Aid to Education

The most important skill U.S. colleges and universities purport to teach is critical thinking. The higher-ed industry doesn’t have any tests analogous to Virginia’s Standards of Learning exams (SOLs) by which to measure the proficiency of students in this core aptitude, but it does have the voluntary Collegiate Learning Assessment (CLA). Dozens of universities around the country administer the test to freshmen and seniors to determine how far they have progressed in their abilities to manipulate information and reason analytically.

While the CLAs show that most college students do progress over their four years of study, they also demonstrate that results vary widely by institution. At a handful of institutions, students actually lose ground. The CLAs also show that a significant number of college seniors — 14% in the 2015-16 year — fell short of a “basic” mastery of critical thinking. Only half achieved a level higher than basic.

More students than ever are attending college in the U.S. and paying more than ever for the privilege, but it is less than clear how much they are learning. In an era of rampant grade inflation, grades are not a reliable indicator. Corporations carp that many graduates are unable to think analytically, communicate well or solve complex problems.

“At most schools in this country, students basically spend four years in college, and they don’t necessarily become better thinkers and problem solvers,” says Josipa Roksa, a University of Virginia sociology professor and co-author of “Academically Adrift,” told the Wall Street Journal. “Employers are going to hire the best they can get, and if we don’t have that, then what is at stake in the long run is our ability to compete.”

College students rely heavily upon an institution’s reputation when selecting where to attend. Reputations are heavily dependent upon the prestige and fame of faculty members, the size of research budgets, athletic prowess, the size of endowments and other factors entirely unrelated to educational value added. Likewise, boards of visitors have no objective criteria by which to judge how effectively colleges are executing their core mission of teaching.

Only two of Virginia’s public four-year colleges participated in the 2015-16 test: Radford University and Christopher Newport University (CNU). (Three private colleges did: Bridgewater, Lynchburg and Randolph-Macon.) Maybe other Virginia institutions should do so as well.

Here’s the rationale articulated by the Radford Faculty Senate Executive Council:

Students today can no longer rely solely on mastery of discipline-based information. They need to be able to analyze and evaluate information, solve problems, and communicate effectively. Beyond just accumulating facts, they must be able to access, structure, and use information. …

Radford University currently does not have a valid, reliable, widely accepted measure of critical learning outcomes that can be used to track our success in helping students improve on those outcomes over time or compare our students’ learning success with that of students at similar universities. Adopting the CLA+ would enable us to accomplish both those goals. Using such a measure should allow us to better demonstrate the value we add to students while they are at RU, more effectively test alternative core curriculum pedagogy and models, provide external constituencies a measure of student performance they view as valid and reliable, and reduce the amount of time faculty spend on assessment. It would also be invaluable in meeting the accreditation requirements for SACS and other accrediting bodies.

Radford has the right idea. Faculty members want to know if the institution is doing a good job or not. They want data to guide them as they shape the curriculum.

CNU learned from administering the test that it was doing something right. According to the May 2015 board minutes, CNU seniors scored in the 85th percentile. (It is not clear from the minutes whether that reflects the number who scored proficient or the improvement in the test scores between freshmen and juniors.)

Other institutions may be scared to know the results. Perhaps they don’t want board members asking too many questions — an understandable if regrettable attitude.

Or perhaps they think their students are so friggin’ smart that they don’t need to be tested. But how would they know unless they administer the test? (I remember some University of Virginia frat boys who had probably regressed during their four years in college. Excessive alcohol and cannabis consumption can do that.)

The cost is nominal — some $6,600 for 100 students plus $25 per additional student. If Virginia’s public institutions don’t voluntarily participate, then perhaps the Virginia legislature can find a way to encourage them.

The Diminishing Returns on a College Degree

Fall headcounts have plateaued among Virginia public higher-ed institutions. Data source: State Council for Higher Education in Virginia.

After peaking in 2011 at 20.6 million, college enrollments in the United States have declined every year since, falling to 19 million in 2016. While the fall-off has been most pronounced in community colleges and for-profit institutions, many traditional four-year institutions have been affected as well.

Why, ask Richard Vedder and Justin Strehle, is this happening? Because the cost of college attendance is rising while the financial benefits of a degree are falling, they argue in a Wall Street Journal op-ed.

Between 2000 and 2016, the tuition-and-fees component of the Consumer Price Index rose 74.5%, adjusted for overall inflation. But the earnings advantage of a college degree is no longer growing like it once did. Writer Vedder and Strehle:

The average annual earnings differential between high school and four-year college graduates rose sharply, to $32,900 in 2000 (expressed in 2015 dollars) from $19,776 in 1975 — only to fall to $29,867 by 2015. In the late 20th century rising higher-education costs were offset by the increasing financial benefits associated with a bachelor’s degree. Since 2000 those benefits have declined, while costs have continued to rise.

An indicator of this shifting return on investment is the high rate of underemployment — 40%, according to Vedder and Strehle — of recent college graduates. When college grads are taking jobs as Uber drivers and baristas, you know something is wrong.

Another factor undermining the advantage of a college degree: A degree no long provides the reliable signaling to the labor market that it once did. Traditionally, a sheepskin used to tell employers that a candidate possessed a certain level of intelligence, ambition and diligence. But when one third or more of adult Americans graduate from college, “being a college graduate no longer necessarily denotes exceptional vocational promise,” the authors write.

Bacon’s bottom line: There is a deeply rooted idea in American culture that everyone should have a chance to go to college. Embedded in that idea is the assumption that everyone can benefit from a college education. In an ideal world that might be true. But we live in the world we live in, and the K-12 educational pipeline is badly broken. High schools are spewing out graduates who are totally unprepared for college-level work. But many colleges, desperate to maintain their enrollments and support the vast infrastructure of buildings, departments, faculty, graduate students and administrators, are taking on these students anyway, even if they benefit little from the college experience. Here in Virginia, thousands of students drop out every year after loading up with college debt. Even for those who do graduate, thanks to relaxed academic standards, a college degree in many cases ain’t worth what it used to be.

Since the Top Jobs Act of 2011, in which it was the declared policy of Virginia to increase the number of degrees and certificates awarded by Virginia’s public colleges and universities by 100,000, enrollments have plateaued after years of increases. Virginia students are encountering the same hard choices as students nationally: Given what Virginia institutions are charging, is the cost of a degree really worth it?

Protecting Virginia’s Forgotten Constitutional Right

By Elwood Earl “Sandy” Sanders, Jr.

The Constitutional rights of Virginians are in danger every day. No, not the usual suspects like freedom of speech and the right to bear arms, but rather the Sixth Amendment Right to Counsel.

The Commonwealth has a crazy quilt of counties and cities. Many jurisdictions have a public defender office but many do not. In the Richmond metropolitan area, the cities of Richmond and Petersburg have public defenders, but Henrico, Hanover and Chesterfield counties do not. In Northern Virginia, every county and city surrounding Prince William County (and the cities and towns within) has a public defender office, but Prince William does not. Hampton and Newport News do, but York and Gloucester do not. This disparity verges on unequal justice under law.

Many court-appointed bars in the non-indigent-defense counties and cities do a yeoman’s job representing poor individuals accused and convicted of crimes. But public defenders enjoy immense institutional advantages. They have personnel such as sentencing specialists, appellate specialists, investigators and support staff. They mentor the newer lawyers. The training and accountability are more than adequate. The ordinary court-assigned attorney simply does not have these resources available.

These institutional advantages of public defenders over court-appointed attorneys raise serious questions of inequality.

The good news is that the Commonwealth already has the resources to establish a more equal system: The judiciary in 2012 brought in an astounding $280 million more than it spent in expenses and personnel. Now, that may be an indictment of the amount of court costs but the funds are there. The budget just passed this session includes this policy language:

Given the continued concern about providing adequate compensation levels for court-appointed attorneys providing criminal indigent defense in the Commonwealth, the Executive Secretary of the Supreme Court, in conjunction with the Governor, Attorney General, Indigent Defense Commission, representatives of the Indigent Defense Stakeholders Group and Chairmen of the House and Senate Courts of Justice Committees, shall continue to study and evaluate all available options to enhance Virginia’s Indigent Defense System.

Sen. Rosalyn Dance, D-Petersburg, introduced a bill to study a statewide indigent defense system in the 2016 General Assembly. The measure floundered in the Senate Rules Committee until that committee’s chair, Sen. Ryan McDougle, R-Mechanicsville, saved it with an amendment limiting the study to creating a statewide appellate defender’s office. The bill passed the Senate but died in the House. In 2017 session, the bill never made it out of the Senate Committee.

Other states have a statewide public defender system. Colorado is one example of a state with an integrated comprehensive system. There are issues with any delivery of legal services, mostly in attorney workloads, but the budget allocation for Colorado, a state of just over 5.3 million, is $86 million. Virginia’s indigent defense budget is about $46 million. Millions more are spent for court-appointed services, mostly in jurisdictions without a public defender office, and a fee waiver program.

Even if the statewide public defender system cost $120 million per year, the judicial branch could generate that sum without a tax increase. Funds could be drawn from split-recovery for punitive damages, or, to prevent the hint of a conflict, could be diverted from forfeiture to indigent defense services.

I am fully aware that excess funds raised by the judiciary in the Commonwealth are spent in the General Fund by the politicians in Richmond. However, resources to establish the statewide indigent defense system without directly invading the General Fund to do it.

We need to establish a constituency in favor of the Sixth Amendment Rights of every Virginian. I propose a umbrella coalition, primarily on social media and through resolutions of support, of organizations that will make indigent defense a priority. If you favor a right to reproductive freedom, or to own a gun, or to free speech, or to immigrant’s rights, if you are a Tea Partier who believes we should follow the WHOLE Constitution, than you need to join us.

Contact me at the email address below to start an umbrella organization to agitate for a more adequate indigent defense system in the Commonwealth.

Elwood Earl “Sandy” Sanders, Jr., is a licensed attorney in the Commonwealth of Virginia since 1985 and was the first Appellate Defender, conducting appeals for indigents in the Virginia Court of Appeals and Virginia Supreme Court.  He is also a blogger for Virginia Right (www.varight.com) and a political activist from Mechanicsville.  All Sandy’s views are Sandy’s views and no one else’s. You can contact him at ssanders[at]varight.com.

Sustaining the Biggest Public Nuisance in Richmond

Mosby Court, public housing project in Richmond

Republished from Cranky’s Blog.

Not satisfied at maintaining the largest public nuisance in Richmond – the one that just led to the shooting death of a State Policeman – the Richmond Redevelopment and Housing Authority (RHHA) now proposes to do nothing realistic about it:

  • Fencing and gates. RRHA says this remedy is “largely . . . impractical.” I guess killing policemen is more “practical.”
  • Parking stickers and IDs. Not a bad idea, but worthless until they have the off-duty cops in place to catch the trespassers.
  • Empowerment programs. So, the problem largely is male visitors and they are going to “empower” the tenant girlfriends who are harboring those males? Please! The remedy is to evict those girlfriends.
  • Summer programs for the kids. Good thing to do but unrelated to the visiting male problem.

This is not rocket science, folks:

  • The feds tell us “(1) that effective property management can have a major impact on the health of a community, and (2) that accessible, legitimate techniques can be used to stop the spread of drug activity on rental property.”
  • Indeed, as to drugs (and certainly as to other crime), nuisance abatement is the sole tactic that has been shown scientifically to reduce crime in residential places. The DOJ monograph says: “With the evidence available we are relatively certain that holding private landlords accountable for drug dealing on their property by threatening abatement reduces drug related crimes.” Whether as to drug activity or other disorder, the landlord is the only entity that can make the physical changes to the property, evict the troublesome tenants, hire the security, control the access, and enforce the lease terms necessary to make the property safe.

Yet, RRHA, aside from the fences they have rejected, is not talking about what we know can help here:

  • Lights;
  • Cameras;
  • Access control;
  • Off-duty cops on patrol;
  • Rigorous trespass enforcement; and
  • Rigorous lease enforcement (i.e., eviction of the girlfriend who harbors the disorder)

As to that last point, the HUD lease [at Para. 25] contains the necessary provisions. These include eviction for, inter alia:

  • Drug related criminal activity engaged in  on or near the premises by any tenant, household member, or guest; and
  • Criminal activity by a tenant, any member of the tenant’s household, a guest or another person under the tenant’s control that threatens the health, safety or right to peaceful enjoyment of the premises by other residents or by persons residing in the immediate vicinity.

Yet, when I spoke with them about this (in the distant past), they said

  • Legal Aid makes it difficult to do anything;
  • The judges are reluctant to enforce the lease;
  • It would be “onerous” to ask RRHA staff to follow up on all offense reports and calls for service; and
  • Given the quality of the people who live in subsidized housing, RRHA can’t be expected to do much better.

To judge from their response to the current murder rate, and the shooting of the policeman by a trespasser who was living at RRHA, their indifferent attitude and the soft bigotry of their low expectations have not improved.

It is clear that RRHA is not serious about controlling its property. City Council is quiescent. The Commonwealth’s Attorney is not prosecuting the RRHA Board for maintaining the nuisance. Your tax dollars at “work.”

Where the Millennials Are Moving

Map credit: Time

Time has produced a confusing article on how Millennials “are moving to America’s cities,” using the terms “cities,” “urban areas,” and “metropolitan areas” interchangeably. But the main thrust of the report seems clear enough: Some metros are seeing a faster increase in the Millennial population than others. Indeed, 11 metros actually lost Millennials.

The reason the article caught my eye is that the two metros with the fastest-growing 25- to 34-year-old populations between 2010 and 2015 are…. drum roll….

No. 1: Hampton Roads — up 16.4%, a gain of 7,034.

No. 2: Richmond — up 14.9%, a gain of 5,176.

Larger metropolitan areas such as Boston, Philadelphia, Houston, Washington, Baltimore, and New York showed larger gains in absolute numbers, but the percentage increases were much lower.  It is especially satisfying to see the two Virginia metros out-performing “hot” metros such as Austin and Raleigh. Heh! Heh!

For all I know, these numbers are a statistical fluke. (Are the Hampton Roads numbers driven by an increase in young military personnel?) But, then, maybe they’re not. Maybe Hampton Roads and Richmond have a good vibe and really are luring young people. The migration portends good things for the future.

Caution: James V. Koch, an Old Dominion University economics professor (and ODU president emeritus) urges readers to view these numbers with caution. First, despite the implication of the Time article, these are not migration numbers; they are population numbers, which include not only migration but natural population increase/decrease. Second, he can’t tell where the numbers come from. The statistics he has seen show out-migration from Hampton Roads.

Why Would Dominion Want a $19 Billion Nuclear Plant?

North Anna Power Station

The Nuclear Regulatory Commission has indicated it will issue a license within the next few days to build a third nuclear reactor at Dominion Energy’s North Anna power station, the Richmond Times-Dispatch reported earlier this week.

Dominion has spent $600 million so far on planning, engineering and developing the 1,450-megawatt facility, which has been widely reported to cost an estimated $19 billion. While acknowledging the huge up-front expense, Dominion has argued that it needs to keep open the option of a third nuclear unit in case federal and state regulators impose strict carbon controls on Virginia’s electric utilities.

Robert Zullo has done a fine job of covering Dominion for the Richmond Times-Dispatch, and I rely upon his reporting to keep up with the energy and environmental issues the company is embroiled in. But I would not frame the North Anna 3 issue as he did:

Given the massive cost of the controversial project, which has been opposed by both consumer and environmental groups and has yet to be approved by the State Corporation Commission, it remains unclear whether the utility will actually build the reactor.

True, consumer and environmental groups do oppose the project, and, true, it is unclear whether the utility will build the reactor. But the driver isn’t the cost, which is horrendous. The driver is what kind of regulatory regime federal and state governments enact to reduce carbon dioxide emissions from Virginia power plants. If regulators choose a “mass-based” approach that caps CO2 emissions on existing power plants and all new generation units built in the future, Dominion argues, the only way to meet electricity demand, maintain federally mandated reliability standards and stay within the CO2 limits is to construct a new nuclear unit, which emits zero carbon.

Dominion is not advocating construction of North Anna 3. It is not recommending construction of North Anna 3. There is no indication that it even wants to build North Anna 3. Rather it is preserving the option should political and regulatory developments leave it no alternative.

The company lays out its logic in its 2017 Integrated Resource Report, a planning document that provides a 15-year look into the future. There is so much political and regulatory uncertainty that Dominion examines eight different scenarios predicated on different schemes for restricting CO2 emissions. Building North Anna 3 appears in only one of the eight options, which the IRP refers to as “Plan H.” Here’s how Dominion describes that plan:

Plan H is a Mass-Based program that limits the total CO2 emissions from both the existing fleet of fossil fuel-fired generating units and all new generation units in the future, but also includes the construction and operation of North Anna 3 in 2030. This Alternative Plan was developed assuming that the Company achieves [Clean Power Plan] compliance through portfolio modifications with no market purchase of CO2 allowances. This Alternative Plan limits the generation of [the Mt. Storm coal-fired power station] to a 40% capacity factor.

Key assumptions include:

  • Retirement of up to four coal-fired units at the Mecklenburg and Clover power stations, totaling 577 megawatts, by 2025.
  • 3,360 megawatts of additional solar capacity;
  • 2,290 MW of additional natural-gas, Combustion Turbine capacity;
  • A 20-year extension of the four existing nuclear units at the North Anna and Surry power stations.
  • Addition of 1,452 of nuclear capacity at North Anna 3.

Dominion acknowledges that the compliance costs of Plan H would be extremely expensive — $14.79 billion over the IRP study period compared to $5.71 billion for the next most expensive alternative and $2.3 billion compared to the least expensive alternative.

The impact of Plan H on residential consumers would be considerable. Dominion estimates that average monthly electric rates for a typical residential customer using 1,000 kilowatt hours per month would increase 29.44% by 2030 and subside to 19.01% higher by 2042. That would be more than five times the increase of the next most costly plan in 2030.

Source: Dominion Energy

A key assumption embedded in Dominion’s projections is that electricity demand will increase by an average of 1.5% annually over the next 15 years. The IRP forecasts a compound annual growth rate of 2.04% for the Virginia economy, based upon data supplied by Moody’s Analytics. Thus, a 1.5% load increase implies continued energy-efficiency gains that reduce the energy intensity of each unit of economic growth.

Virginia’s success in attracting energy-intensive data centers plays into the utility’s Virginia forecast. “The Company has seen significant interest in data centers locating in Virginia because of its proximity to fiber optic networks as well as low-cost, reliable power sources,” the IRP says. (See yesterday’s post, “Building on Virginia’s Data Center Boom.”)

Some observers argue that Dominion’s forecast overstates demand growth. Most notably, PJM Interconnection, the regional transmission organization of which Dominion is a part, provides a significantly lower growth forecast for the Dominion transmission zone, as seen here:

Source: Dominion Energy

The IRP addresses this forecast discrepancy at length. Dominion says four factors account for the gap in projected demand growth. First, PJM eliminated new data center growth from its forecast. Second, PJM makes assumptions about Distributed Energy Resources (primarily solar) that overestimate how they would perform during critical system conditions. Third, PJM bases its forecast of appliance saturation and efficiencies on Southeast regional data, while Dominion uses historical data from its own service territory. And fourth, Dominion uses a different methodology to account for public sector energy growth, which accounts for 13% of company sales.

Another unknown is the likelihood that a Plan H scenario will materialize.

The Trump administration has expressed a desire to scrap the Clean Power Plan. Even if it succeeds in neutering the CO2 regulations, though, a future administration could reinstate them. Meanwhile, the Virginia environmental lobby is pushing hard for the CO2 caps contemplated in Plan H, and the McAuliffe administration will announce its own plan later this month to combat CO2. Furthermore, several environmental groups have gone on the record in opposition to extending the life of the existing Surry and North Anna nuclear plants. Should Dominion fail to renew those licenses, it would have to make up nearly 3,400 megawatts of capacity elsewhere. Unable to add fossil fuel capacity under a Plan H scenario, it would be limited to renewables or nuclear. An all-renewables approach could create an unstable grid with major reliability issues. That would leave North Anna 3 as the only alternative.

Many possibilities might obviate the necessity of building North Anna 3 under a Plan H scenario. The electricity load might increase at a slower pace than Dominion forecasts. The utility might succeed in extending the life of its existing nuclear units. Battery storage technology might advance to the point where it is feasible store massive amounts of sunlight-generated energy. There is no way to know at this time what will happen. But as the entity responsible for keeping the lights on, now and far into the future, Dominion is taking no chances. Despite the jaw-breaking cost, it is not taking the North Anna 3 option off the table.

Boomergeddon Watch: Illinois and Puerto Rico

S&P Global has warned that Illinois’ debt could be downgraded to junk bond status if the state doesn’t get its fiscal affairs in order. Paralyzed by partisan gridlock, the Prairie State hasn’t had a budget in two years. Since the Great Depression, no other state has gone for more than a year without a budget, reports the Wall Street Journal. Meanwhile, the state’s unfunded pension liability exceeds $130 billion, and its backlog of unpaid bills has hit a record high of $14.3 billion.

If S&P, Moody’s and Fitch all downgrade Illinois debt to junk status, the state will be in violation of numerous loan covenants which could trigger more than $100 million in penalties, and make state and municipal debt even more expensive.

In parallel developments, Bloomberg reports today that the bankrupt Commonwealth of Puerto Rico has lost two percent of its population in each of the last three years. Since the economy began contracting a decade ago, the cumulative loss amounts to 400,000 residents from an island with population of 3.4 million today. By contrast, Puerto Rico’s fiscal turnaround plan assumes that the population will shrink only 0.2% each year over the next decade. Good luck with that!

The exodus means that fewer people will remain to shoulder the island’s $74 billion debt, trapping Puerto Rico in a vicious cycle of a contracting economy, cutbacks to core government services, and a population fleeing the deteriorating conditions.

Hmmm. As its turns out, Illinois is one of only seven U.S. states that experienced a population decline in 2016. Between 2000 and 2010, the population grew only 3.3%, one third the national rate. Then the population has declined every year since 2013 by a cumulative total of about six-tenths of a percent. A 2016 poll found that 47% of respondents said they would like to leave the state, citing taxes, the weather, government, and poor job opportunities in that order as the reason.

Just think what will happen when the next recession comes. Instead of Okies fleeing the Dust Bowl, we’ll see Illini fleeing the Blue State governance model.

Building on Virginia’s Data-Center Boom

Data centers are the hottest trend in Virginia economic development these days. But the state is only beginning to think through the implications.

Loudoun County, home to 75 facilities, has developed the largest cluster of data centers in the country (and perhaps the world), and next-door-neighbor Prince William County is rising fast. Rural Mecklenburg County has attracted nearly $2 billion in investment as the location of Microsoft’s East Coast hub for online services. QTS has retrofitted an old microchip factory in Henrico County to open a data center, while DP Facilities, Inc., opened a $65 project center in Wise County. Soon, Virginia Beach will enter the data-center sweepstakes when construction is complete on a 4,000-mile transatlantic cable connecting Virginia to Europe.

According to Paula Squires writing in Virginia Business magazine, Virginia boasts more than 650 data processing, hosting and related establishments that employ more than 13,900 people. Since 2006, the industry has announced more than $11.8 million in new investment and 6,600 jobs. The jobs, while relatively few in number, pay well (more than $100,000 a year in Northern Virginia), and generate a gusher of local taxes.

Billions of dollars are flowing into the sector as the global economy embraces cloud computing to handle the massive surge in data collection and storage. A Markets and Markets research report estimates that the cloud storage market will grow from $23.76 billion in 2016 to $74.94 billion by 2021 — a compounded annual growth rate of 25.8%.

Loudoun County was one of the first localities anywhere to see the economic development potential. The county had a built-in advantage — a massive network of fiber-optic cable built by AOL and WorldCom during the heyday of the 1990s Internet bubble. WorldCom went bust and AOL has a much-diminished presence, but the cable infrastructure remained — and high-capacity connectivity is an essential prerequisite for a data center. Loudoun claims that 70% of the world’s Internet traffic passes through the county. The concentration of data centers is so pronounced that economic developers refers to a six-mile radius around Waxpool Road and Loudoun County Parkway as “data center alley.”

The county has built on its infrastructure advantage by learning how to expedite zoning, permitting and construction. CyrusOne completed construction of a 220,000-square-foot data center in Sterling in 180 days — reputedly the shortest construction time fever for a center that size, reports Squires.

To incentivize investment, the state exempts computer equipment bought or leased for a data center from the retail sales and use tax. Henrico County has dropped its business property tax rate on computers and related equipment from $3.50 to $.40 per $100 of assessed value.

Also, Dominion Energy has emerged as a significant partner. The endless racks of servers inside data centers consume electricity and generate heat, which must be cooled by massive HVAC systems. Dominion charges 5.2 cents per kilowatt hour for large facilities, and a slightly higher rate for small ones. “We’re very competitive,” says Stan Blackwell, director of customer service and strategic partnerships for Dominion. “We have some of the lowest data-center rates in the nation.”

Bacon’s bottom line: The rise of the data-center industry raises two pointed sets of public policy questions.

First, how can Virginia optimize this opportunity? What are the critical drivers? Obviously, the existence of high-capacity fiber networks is one consideration. It appears from the map atop this post that Virginia has one of the densest clusters of long-haul fiber capacity in the country. How crucial is that advantage? Does Virginia’s proximity to a relatively fiber-poor Southeastern U.S. give data centers serving that market an edge? Is the competitive advantage bequeathed by fiber-optic infrastructure such that Virginia should consider encouraging investment in more? Conversely, does it do any good for Virginia to invest in its own fiber infrastructure if connections to neighboring states are lacking? Many, many questions.

Electricity is one of the largest costs associated with operating a data center, accounting for roughly 10% of the total cost of ownership — and it is one of the largest costs that vary by location. Dominion’s electric rates confer a significant competitive edge for locations within its service territory.

Graph credit: Dominion Energy

One of the biggest challenges for Dominion — and the further expansion of the data-center industry — is delivering electricity to these data centers. In one particularly controversial case, the utility wants to build a 230 kV transmission line and substation from Gainesville to Haymarket to serve an Amazon data center. Locals have organized in opposition, claiming that the 100-foot-tall towers will disrupt views and harm property values to benefit a single industrial customer. They insist that Dominion bury the line at considerable expense. If Virginia wants to develop the data-center industry more fully, it may need to find ways to resolve the inevitable utility-landowner disputes fairly expeditiously. No company wants to wait years to find out whether a project will get the electric power it needs.

A second big public policy question centers on the implications of the data-center boom for electricity demand in Virginia. According to Virginia Business, data centers represent Dominion’s fastest-growing customer segment: About 7% of the company’s retail portfolio consists of data centers.

This feeds into the debate over Dominion’s future electric generating mix. Dominion’s 2017 Integrated Resource Plan (IRP) assumes that electric load will increase at a compounded rate of 1.5% over the next 15 years — considerably higher than PJM Interconnection’s forecast for the Dominion service territory. Dominion argues that PJM has not taken into account the phenomenal growth of demand by Virginia-based data centers. These projections matter because they influence how much new generating capacity — including nuclear, as I will explore in a forthcoming post — Dominion adds in the years ahead, with tremendous implications for rate payer and the environment.

The data center surge could prove to be an economic development boon for Virginia. But the industry’s growth impacts local zoning and land-use practices, tax policy, fiber-optic infrastructure development, and energy policy. The McAuliffe administration would be well advised to pull together a conclave to determine how to sort through these issues.

50% of Americans Would Make Different Education Decisions

More than half of Americans (51%) would change a major education decision if they had it to do over again, finds a new report by the Strada Educational Network in conjunction withe Gallup polling organization: 36% would choose a different major, 28% would choose a different institution, and 12% would pursue a different degree.

Graduates of vocational, trade or technical programs are more positive about their education decisions that those with an associate or bachelor’s degree. STEM graduates at all education levels were most satisfied with their decisions. Respondents who earned Associate degrees and B.A. degrees in liberal arts were more likely to express regret than those with business, STEM or public service degrees.

“In the United States, students often make the decision whether or not to pursue postsecondary education without being fully informed of the available educational opportunities or which are required to pursue their chosen career path,” says the report. “These decisions, whether students pursued postsecondary education or not, have long-standing implications for their careers, their finances and their well-being.” Continues the report:

Researchers widely agree that many of the current measures available to consumers to help determine the value of their education fall short, and they are not widely used. There is, for example, no national database that shows how much graduates of different colleges earn by major or how satisfied they are with their experience. When economic challenges are coupled with a lack of reliable information, it creates a situation ripe for education outcomes to fall short of consumer expectations, leading many consumers to have second thoughts about the choices they made.

Bacon’s bottom line: Looks to me like a massive mis-allocation of time (years of study) and financial resources. That might have been forgivable when higher education was the province of the elite. Now that 60% or more of the population pursues an advanced degree — often borrowing money to do so — the decision-making process needs to be more rational and better informed.

Latest Apartment Amenity: Bicycle Storage

Rendering of proposed Main 2525 by Walter Parks Architects.

Developers Charles Macfarlane and Sam McDonald have applied for a special use permit to build a six-story apartment building on East Main Street east of downtown. Current zoning allows for only five-story buildings.

The Main 2525 proposal has many things to like, including 7,400 square feet of ground-floor commercial space, underground parking for 241 vehicles, and amenities such as a swimming pool, rooftop terrace and lounge with city skyline views. That’s standard mixed-use development, it’s what the market demands, and it’s what increasingly sets the city of Richmond apart from neighboring Henrico and Chesterfield Counties.

But here’s what caught my eye: The project will provide indoor bicycle storage.

The development would be located on the edge of Shockoe Bottom and about two miles from downtown Richmond, so it is within easy bicycling distance of tens of thousands of jobs. The number of cyclists on the road in the Richmond region seems to be increasing, but only slowly. Main 2525 would address one obstacle to greater bicycle usage — bicycle storage.

Think about it. If you’re paying $950 to $1,575 per month for an upscale apartment, the last thing you want is to stash your bicycle inside the apartment. But you don’t want to leave it outside where it would be exposed to the elements or might get stolen. Secure, indoor bicycle storage would be a meaningful amenity.

That feature may be commonplace in new apartment buildings these days, and I just haven’t noticed because I’m a suburban homeowner. Regardless, if I were young and looking for an apartment, the prospect of having bicycle storage would grab my attention.