• Creating a New Segregation

    The Valentine Richmond History Center is to be commended for its new exhibit that opened April 4, โ€œBattle for the City: The Politics of Race 1950s-1970s.โ€ This modest show (the size of one big room), has the usual materials โ€“ a Ku Klux Klan robe, pictures of sit ins by young African-Americans and displays of school segregation.

    Whatโ€™s truly interesting in the show is that it takes pains to explain how the most densely populated and, in some cases, the most culturally rich African-American neighborhoods were ripped apart by new toll roads planned by the white establishment because that was the trend in land use planning (or โ€œhuman settlement patternsโ€ if you are so inclined).

    As many as 7,000 African-Americans โ€“ 10 percent of the cityโ€™s total black population –were forced from their homes from 1955 to 1957 to make way for the Richmond Petersburg Turnpike, now Interstate 95. The Downtown Expressway forced another 900 mostly black residents from their homes later.

    To be sure, building big new expressways in city centers was the favorite mode for land use planning at the time. But it served to re-segregate Richmond, foster unwieldy suburban sprawl and exacerbate racial tensions that are still being felt today. See column โ€œCreating a New Segregation.โ€

    Peter Galuszka


  • How to Build a Village

    Claude Lewenz, an American-turned Kiwi, has written a fascinating book, “How to Build a Village,” in which he envisions how to build a small community — a “village” of some 5,000 to 10,000 people — that is prosperous, environmentally sustainable and enables a high quality of life. On Waiheke Island, outside Auckland, on the far side of the world, Lewenz has elaborated many of the same principles propounded on this blog. He offers a capitalist, market-driven alternative to Business As Usual.

    The central feature of the Lewenzian village is this: It has no cars or trucks. Within the village perimeter, people get about by walking, bicycling or using small electric vehicles. To many, the idea will sound ludicrous. But drawing upon real-world examples of Medieval Italian cities and Greek island villages, Lewenz makes an intriguing case. He would organize his villages around Italianate plazas and link them with pedestrian streets and lanes of various widths; cars, to be used only for travel outside the village, would be banished to a garage on the village edge.

    The scheme would work because getting rid of the cars eliminates the need for the vast apparatus of streets, highways and parking lots that consume so much urban space. As a result, everything is closer together. Thus, trips are shorter. (As a bonus, Lewenz envisions using the savings in asphalt to invest in underground utilities, recycling and waste systems, organizing and promoting locally grown foods, and other village enterprises.)

    While Lewenz sees his village located in the countryside, demarcated by a village wall from the fields and woods (what Ed Risse would call a “clear edge”), he acknowledges that variations of the auto-free zone could be applied in urban environments through in-fill and re-development projects. Just imagine the impact in Virginia if our major metropolitan areas developed strings of car-free villages, linked by arterial roads and mass transit, in which some 50 percent to 80 percent of all “trips” took place on foot or on bicycle.

    As Lewenz notes, America already has large car-free zones. We just don’t realize it. We cover them with roofs and call them malls. We just need to make them bigger: integrating shops with houses, offices, public buildings and other amenities…. and removing the roof.

    In “First, Shoot All the Cars,” I focus mainly on how a Lewenzian village would function without cars, but I allude to many of his other ideas for building more livable, sustainable communities. If you find the column intriguing, buy the book. It is lavishly illustrated with color photographs from Lewenz’s travels around the world — well worth the hefty purchase price.


  • Wreaking Havoc upon Complacency and Torpor

    The Bacon’s Rebellion e-zine publishes again. The April 7, 2008, edition skewers the forces of ignorance and lethargy. Check it out at db4.dev.baconsrebellion.com. Don’t miss a single issue — sign up for your free subscription here.

    We’ve got a great line-up this week:

    First, Shoot All The Cars

    While Virginians seem hell bent upon raising taxes and building roads, Ameri-kiwi Claude Lewenz envisions a different path to a superior quality of life: Auto-free villages.

    by James A. Bacon


    Newseum
    The D.C. attraction opening this week celebrates freedom of the press, the rise of the news and the decline of the newspaper.

    by Doug Koelemay


    Space to Drive and Park

    Cars consume huge amounts of space for roads and parking, which disaggregates human settlement patterns, co-opts transportation alternatives, and… increases dependence upon cars.

    by EM Risse


    Two Spheres of Fraud

    While the media salivates over the subprime lending fiasco, journalists are overlooking the main reason why Americans can’t afford housing: the building of the wrong kind of housing in the wrong places.

    by EM Risse


    How to Save $1 Billion Without Even Trying

    Think Virginia lawmakers are serious about restraining state government spending? Consider this: Simply freezing 7,627 vacant positions could have saved $1 billion in the next two-year budget!

    by Mike Thompson


    You Call This Conservative?

    A self-proclaimed “conservative” transportation plan appears to be animated by the conviction that Virginians really don’t know what’s good for them. When did conservatives become central planners?

    by Norm Leahy


    Creating a New Segregation

    When Richmond combined Jim Crow with urban planning in the 1940s, the result was expressways, the destruction of African-American neighborhoods and white flight.

    by Peter Galuszka


    Reaching the Promised Land

    In his lifetime, Martin Luther King empowered African-Americans. By his death, he stimulated Southern, evangelical whites to search their hearts and embrace all children of God.

    by James Atticus Bowden


    Nice & Curious Questions

    Bottled Poetry: Wine Trails of Virginia

    by Edwin S. Clay III and Patricia Bangs


  • African-American Churches as Entrepreneurial Agents of Social Change

    Rydell Payne runs the nonprofit Charlottesville Abundant Life Ministries, and he has a plan to lift up poor African-Americans living in the city. He wants to develop three acres of Woodlands off Prospect Street, building about 20 residential units in single-family homes and duplexes, a multi-purpose educational and vocational center, and perhaps some retail space for a coffee shop or launderette. The “Prospect College” would provide job training and financial literacy courses, and possibly include some dormitory rooms.

    Abundant Life was formed as an alliance of local church members and neighborhood residents. The organization has raised $100,000 on its own, and hopes to gain access to $67,000 in federal funds through the City of Charlottesville. The organization also is partnering with Habitat For Humanity to build some of the houses, and the ambitious Payne has held discussions with the Virginia Employment Commission about opening a satellite office there and hopes Piedmont Virginia Community College can offer workforce development and job training courses as well.

    Churches appear to be the main institution in inner city neighborhoods that African-Americans rally around. Not-for-profits such as Abundant Life Ministries are the leading agents of enterpreneurial action. The poor and working class people who participate in this project will gain far more than places to live — they’ll gain skills it takes to succeed in the world… Not just the formal skills that can be taught in a classroom, as important as they are, but the organizational skills to set goals, raise money and execute projects.

    Building communities from the bottom up through projects like this will accomplish far more to lift inner-city African Americans out of poverty than well-meaning but bureaucratic anti-poverty programs out of the Great Society mold that breed passivity and dependency. Let us wish Mr. Payne the best of fortune in his endeavors.

    (Read Seth Rosen’s story in the Charlottesville Daily Progress. Photo Credit: Charlottesville Daily Progress.)


  • We Don’t Need No Models

    The meeting the Hampton Roads/Tidewater members of the General Assembly had with the HRTA folks yesterday in at the state-funded Suffolk modeling and simulation facility held an interesting moment.

    I got an email telling how it was revealed that the funds to model Hampton Roads traffic were cut from the budget. So, multi-billion dollar decisions are made on the basis of the bogus analysis I read back in 2002. Even that flawed work projected that building the big projects dreamed up in 1997 – pour concrete, pour concrete, pour concrete – would actually INCREASE congestion when they were completed in 20 years or so.

    Oops.

    We don’t need no stinking models to make decisions. Do we?

    Speaking of which, guess which Commonwealth doesn’t have a econometric model of its state economy?

    I’ve been referred to a spread sheet model which is a modification of one made for Texas about a decade ago. I saw that one. Is there another out there?

    I suggested to my Delegate to put the money in the budget for our public universities to put together a consortium to develop a very good model of our economy. It would help to analyze spending and taxing options. Didn’t happen.


  • Ban the HOV Lane, Build a 200-Foot Bridge

    Our old friend Philip Shucet, former commissioner of the Virginia Department of Transportation, has resurfaced with some ideas about transportation funding priorities in Hampton Roads. Shucet, who is now the chief development officer for the Dragas Companies in Virginia Beach, was asked to submit his thoughts to a group of Hampton Roads lawmakers looking for solutions to the region’s transportation needs. (See the Virginian-Pilot story here, and read Shucet’s statement here.)

    Shucet defends funding the controversial Third Crossing on the grounds that it is an economic engine for the Hampton Roads region and the state, and he endorses a quick start on the mid-town tunnel between Norfolk and Portsmouth. But most interesting were a couple of outside-the-box proposals:

    • Remove the HOV lane on Interstate 264. “Based on the most recent data I have seen,” he writes, “use of the HOV lanes varies from less than 3% to a maximum of 7% of the vehicles on I-264 during the peak periods. … Somewhere between 3% and 7% of the traffic is using some 20% of the capacity.” Allowing anyone to use those restricted lanes is quick, easy way to add capacity to I-264.
    • Build a 200-foot bridge instead of a bridge tunnel. Instead of adding two lanes to the Hampton Roads Bridge Tunnel, as some have suggested, consider building a four-lane bridge tall enough for U.S. Navy vessels to pass under. A four-lane bridge would offer twice the added capacity, possibly at a lower total life-cycle cost. Writes Shucet, who adds that many aspects of this idea need a closer look, “I believe a bridge 200 feet above the main channel could be constructed without the deck violating the clear zone requirement for aircraft.”

  • Statewide Gas Tax Hike Is a Political Loser. Solutions Must Be Regional.

    There’s been a lot of loose talk recently about raising the statewide gasoline tax to pay for transportation improvements. The gasoline tax has three main virtues: First, it is easy to administer. Second, it is a rough form of a “user pays” tax. Third, it can raise a lot of money.

    Here’s the problem. When you raise the tax, it’s a statewide tax. The political pressure for raising taxes to build more roads is limited largely to Northern Virginia, Hampton Roads and perhaps far SW Virginia where there’s a lot of agitation for a Coalfield Expressway. But people in the rest of the state, which includes roughly half the population, have little interest in paying higher taxes for something they don’t regard as a problem. Politically, it will be very, very difficult to enact a hike in the statewide gas tax if the purpose is to fund road construction that half the state doesn’t want or need.

    That’s the reason why legislators last year tried creating regional transportation authorities: so the regions that were willing to tax themselves more could do so. Unfortunately, the cure — giving taxing powers to unelected, unaccountable bodies — was worse than the original problem.

    Lawmakers need to take another crack at devising regional solutions — solutions that avoid the pitfalls of the ill-fated regional transportation authorities. After exhausting all other options, lawmakers should consider regional congestion authorities operated by special “congestion corridor authorities” under very tight guidelines. Authorities would be given power to administer congestion-pricing tolls that (a) maximize throughput on existing highways, (b) allocate scarce highway capacity during periods of peak demand, and (c) provide a stable flow of revenue to invest in congestion mitigation within the corridor.


  • Paradox: Higher Gas Prices Are Hurting Mass Transit in Richmond

    As far as municipal bus systems go, the Greater Richmond Transit Company (GRTC) is better run than most. A survey of 12 similarly sized bus companies showed that GRTC ranked second-lowest in costs per passenger and in the amount of government subsidy received per trip. But, according to David Ress at the Times-Dispatch, rising gas prices are compelling the GRTC to go back to the public well for another dip.

    While sky-high gas prices ought to be nudging people out of their cars and into buses, they also jack up the bus company’s operating expenses. CEO John C. Lewis Jr. says GRTC needs another $2 million a year from the City of Richmond, its most generous benefactor, to maintain current levels of service at current fares. The alternative is to raise fares $.25 to $1.50 per ride and probably to cut back on routes. The bus company has daily ridership of 28,000.

    Since 2005, when Lewis joined GRTC, gasoline has increased costs from $1 million a year to $4 million a year. The GRTC needs help. But help may be hard to find.

    Councilman Bruce Tyler wonders if GRTC could be managed more efficiently. He cites excessive overtime payments and relatively empty buses on certain routes, especially Sunday.

    I have little doubt that GRTC could be run more efficiently — I’ve seen plenty of near-empty buses too… Big, gas-guzzling buses carrying only two or three passengers. I can only wonder what kind of bureaucratic entanglement requires the company to run big buses instead of smaller, more fuel-efficient vehicles on low-volume routes. The small-bus solution is so obvious that some inane and arbitrary rule must be preventing GRTC from trying it.

    But the problem is far bigger than GRTC management — which, as I noted, is actually pretty good — or even obtuse government regulations. GRTC is providing shared-vehicle transportation services in one of the most auto-centric regions of Virginia, if not the United States. Development in the Richmond region is scattering across more land, smeared at lower densities, than even Northern Virginia or Hampton Roads.

    As a consequence, huge swaths of the region are entirely unsuitable to bus transport. The distances from potential riders’ houses to the logical locations of bus stops are too far to conveniently walk — and, in any case, the streetscapes are inhospitable to pedestrians. Even if passengers persevered, the distances between destinations in the scattered, fragmented counties outside Richmond would mean longer ride times. And then there’s the question of whether there’s anything within walking distance at the destination.

    The core market for GRTC is the City of Richmond and adjacent sections of Henrico County, the only places where settlement patterns are suitable for bus transit. But that market is shrinking. As household sizes get smaller, the same amount of housing stock holds fewer people. The city steadily lost population over the past few decades in a trend that appears to have bottomed out only recently. At the same time, spreading affluence has enabled poor people to purchase automobiles and drive themselves. (I know two immigrant women, a mother and daughter, who lived in the city and rode the bus to their jobs as domestics in Richmond’s West End for several years, then purchased a car as soon as they could save the money.)

    GRTC’s Lewis is acutely aware that human settlement patterns are antithetical to traditional bus services, and he’s proposed some imaginative ideas to convert Henrico’s Broad Street into a Bus Rapid Transit corridor. But that requires an up-front capital investment that the cash-strapped GRTC doesn’t have.

    Bacon’s bottom line: Here’s the irony: Higher gas prices should be a boon to buses. As the cost-benefit equation of driving cars vs. mass transit changes, more people should be opting for buses. Because buses have so much unused capacity, revenue from that ridership should drop straight to the bottom line. While ridership may be up somewhat (the article provides no numbers), it’s clearly not up enough to make up for the spike in gasoline prices. For all practical purposes, most citizens of the Richmond region have no mass transit option. Unless they move to the city (or Henrico), they are stuck in their cars.


  • Emergency Call…or Sales Pitch?

    Henrico schools use an automated, mass call system to reach parents when important or emergency information must be relayed into the home as quickly as possible.

    Or at least that’s how the system is supposed to work.

    Tonight, however, we received one of these automated calls from Tuckahoe Elementary School. Has head lice broken out among the student body again? Are parents abusing the drop-off lanes once more? Nope.

    This call was about how to buy t-shirts for field day. You can buy them online!

    Well thank God they used the hotline for that one…I might have tried to buy the t-shirt in person (ooh, the shame). Or worse, I might have sent my child to field day half-naked.

    I can hardly wait for the next important call! Let’s just hope it doesn’t involve tater tots.


  • And That’s Why I Don’t Give Them a Nickel

    Veering away from the confines of Virginia for a moment…

    My alma mater, Colorado College, has blundered into another controversy regarding free speech. This one actually got some play at Inside Higher Ed, so you know folks are paying attention (at least within academic circles).

    The fliers in question are linked on FIRE site and you can judge for yourself which one is the parody. It strikes me that both wallow in poor taste and each makes me wonder just what in the Sam Hill has become of my old school.

    It was another incident in tastelessness and bureaucratic over-reach at CC that led to my first-ever blog post at OMT way back in 2002.

    I now return you to Virginia wonkiness.


  • Has the Transportation Issue Peaked?

    I don’t want to read too much significance into this event, but it does make me wonder: Has the transportation issue peaked in Northern Virginia?

    Gov. Timothy M. Kaine held a town hall meeting in Ashburn — ground zero for traffic congestion in Northern Virginia. People asked him about the environment, about energy, even about the proposed Dominion coal-burning power plant in Wise County. But nothing about transportation.

    Writes reporter Erika Jacobson:

    The absence was so noticeable, in fact, that Kaine himself asked the audience where the transportation questions were.

    “Does nobody want to ask about transportation?” he said with a laugh.

    It’s hard to imagine that Northern Virginians don’t have transportation on their minds. But, at the very least, the Ashburn audience made it clear they don’t find the issue as all-consuming as the developers, construction companies, engineering firms, home builders and other rent seekers might have us believe.


  • My Last Word on Gene Nichol

    This is truly the last post I’ll make regarding Gene Nichol (assuming he fades quietly from the scene). No point in beating a dead college president. But a letter has arrived from Michael K. Powell, Rector of the College of William & Mary, addressed to “alumni and friends” of the College. As a parent of a student there, I’m on the mailing list. I wouldn’t bring up the issue had not Powell offered the best explanation yet of why the Board of Visitors declined to renew Nichols’ contract as president.

    Although Powell was constrained in what he could say — “as this is a personnel matter protected by confidentiality,” he explained, “we cannot go into great detail” — he did illuminate more of the Board’s perspective than he had before.

    Powell praised Nichol for being a passionate and charismatic leader, and for his commitment to diversity on campus. But the Board saw weaknesses that could not be dismissed, including: “unsatisfactory follow-through on public commitments, failure to keep the Board informed of major initiatives — many of which created significant funding obligations for the College — not promptly addressing internal management issues, an unwillingness to accept outside assistance to improve personal weaknesses, and shortcomings in private fundraising.”

    The Board made efforts to address these issues over the course of a year, Powell said. “But there was no meaningful improvement.”

    Powell did acknowledge that “a string of controversies” — presumably the Wrenn Cross affair, the sex worker show and other episodes — did enter the Board’s decision making. But the Board wasn’t concerned by Nichols’ decisions on those matters but rather how he dealt with the controversies. “Too frequently the actions leading up to a controversy and, how it was handled subsequently, tended to unnecessarily inflame and divide the College community. The result, in our judgment, was too much energy focused on the controversy and too little focused on the mission of the College.”

    That’s my last word on the subject. I’ll close the book on Gene Nichol. As long as Nichol himself appears to be moving on — he didn’t bring up the controversy in a recent television interview — he should be left in peace.


  • A New Power Source: Henry Howell Spinning In His Grave

    It is fascinating to observe the politics behind Dominion’s effort to a coal-fired power plant in Wise County. Although Dominion loaded it up with all manner of clean-coal technologies — circulating fluidized bed technology, waste coal-burning capabilities, sulfur dioxide pollution controls, water-conservation condensers — some environmentalists have made it a cause celebre. Their problem isn’t so much with Dominion’s proposal per se as with any coal-burning power source, which they contend contributes to Global Warming and lays waste to the Appalachian environment.

    One might think that Gov. Timothy M. Kaine would be sympathetic to the environmentalists. He has, after all, launched the state’s first Global Warming commission, which held its first working meeting in Charlottesville last week and heard the direst of warnings. (See the presentations made at the meeting.) If the warnings prove to be true, Virginia could find itself ravaged by higher temperatures, changes in precipitation patterns, and rising sea levels — most of it driven by increasing consumption of fossil fuels… like the Wise County power plant.

    But that’s 90 years down the road. In the short term, Kaine surely is cognizant that Southwest Virginia could use the $1.8 billion injection of construction spending, not to mention the 75 permanent power-plant jobs, augmented tax base, and 350 coal-mining jobs. Meanwhile, demand for electricity is rising and energy has to come from somewhere.

    So, Kaine finds himself threading the needle. In an article following the State Corporation Comission’s approval yesterday of the Wise County plant, the Washington Post quotes his defense of the plant:

    He said he has faith in Virginia’s approval process, which he said relies on science and a thorough assessment of the state’s needs rather than politics.

    “We’ve got a need for energy, and we’ve got to do it in a way that’s as clean and as focused on conservation as possible,” he said. However, he added, that must be balanced against “the need for reliable and relatively low-cost energy.”

    Virginia relies on coal for too much of its energy to imagine a future without it, Kaine said. Moreover, by approving newer plants that employ the cleanest technology, the state can retire older, more polluting plants, he said.

    More zealous elements of the environmental movement are not happy with the governor. Student activists are frosted because the governor won’t meet with them. On a less petulant note, Southern Environmental Law Center attorney Cale Jaffe has criticized the SCC ruling on the grounds that not one dime of the $1.8 billion in expenditures approved by the SCC would go to reducing greenhouse gases.

    Absent voices. A number of voices appear to be absent from the debate. Who is representing the rate payers? Not the SCC, which notes in its press release yesterday that “the General Assembly has already determined by law that a coal-fired plant in Southwest Virginia was in the public interest.” Wow, think about that. No one is representing the rate payers. At least the environmentalists have one more shot at the project when the state Air Pollution Control Board holds hearings. Remarkably, the rate payers are…. hosed. And not a whimper of protest from anyone other than Bacon’s Rebellion. (See “Another Inter-Regional Transfer of Wealth.

    Dominion plans to spend $1.8 billion on construction, and the SCC is granting the utility a 12.12 percent return on equity. As I observed last year, the project was far more expensive on a cost-per-KW-hour basis than other clean-coal facilities on the drawing boards around the country. Among the more obvious inefficiencies is the legislative requirement to buy expensive Virginia coal, and the necessity of wheeling the electric power across the entire state, suffering transmission losses along the way.

    I estimated last year that Dominion rate payers could wind up paying $650 million more than they would otherwise — and that was based on a $1.6 billion cost figure, which has somehow moved up to $1.8 billion. I am stupefied that not a single public figure in Virginia has raised a fuss. Are there no populists among us anymore? Where is Henry Howell when you need him? Does anyone even remember who Henry Howell was? If only we could harness the power of ol’ Henry spinning in his grave, we could put the whole energy crisis behind us.


  • Kaine Working on Transportation Plan

    Gov. Timothy M. Kaine is working on a new transportation-funding plan in preparation for the special General Assembly session. Details are not yet available, but the governor has articulated at least three main principles, reports the Daily Press.

    • The plan will address funding for the two most congested regions of the state โ€” Hampton Roads and Northern Virginia.
    • The plan will be simple, replacing the patchwork of taxes, fines and fees passed by the General Assembly last year.
    • The plan will address the ever-increasing claim of the maintenance budget on Transportation Trust Fund dollars. As maintenance requirements grow, money is running short for construction funds.

    Missing from the Daily Press account is the phrase “user pays.”

    According to the Daily Press, GOP lawmakers on the Peninsula are pushing for a regional sales tax. Such a levy has only one virtue: the ability to raise lots of money while not pinching anyone too badly at any one time. But it would represent a massive transfer of wealth to drivers from non-drivers, subsidize auto-dependency and prolong Virginia’s vulnerability to rising gasoline prices. We can only pray that Gov. Kaine doesn’t have that idea in mind.


  • Learning to Love Lawyers: Economic Development in the Knowledge Economy

    Some people regard the proliferation of lawyers in the United States as a blight, a symptom of a society addicted to litigation. But here in Richmond, we love our lawyers.

    In this town, where the economy is based largely upon professional services, the law is big business. At the end of 2007, according to Emily Dooley with the Times-Dispatch, the legal sector employed 5,838 people, about 2,000 of whom are attorneys. The industry sector’s average annual salary, which includes non-lawyers, was $77,000.

    The legal profession is remarkably large for a city Richmond’s size. Several characteristics of the region account for the proliferation of practitioners. Richmond is home to the state capital, which provides lots of lobbying and regulatory work; a U.S. Court of Appeals, one of 12 in the country; and a Federal Reserve Bank. The city also has a large business clientele, including the corporate headquarters of 10 Fortune 1000 companies.

    In my observation, however, the local client base is almost incidental to many Richmond attorneys, who are road warriors serving clients who rarely, if ever, set foot in the city. One friend of mine, who handles litigation for automobile manufacturers, zooms off every week to trials in courtrooms around the country. Another friend, an expert in land use law, travels nationally to work on cutting-edge real estate projects. Yet another represents a roster of Israeli firms doing business in the U.S.

    More examples: After stepping down as governor, Gerald L. Baliles built a national practice as an aviation attorney. After stepping down as Secretary of Commerce and Trade, Michael Schewel has started working on alternate energy deals around the country.

    In the Knowledge Economy, lawyers are more than ambulance chasers and pettifoggers — they are deal makers. The best of them do business anywhere, and they can live anywhere, they want. A remarkable number of top attorneys choose to live in Richmond.

    Economic development of the Knowledge Economy is all about recruiting and retaining human capital. That’s made easier in Richmond by the number of large and growing firms: most prominently Hunton & Williams and McGuire Woods, but also fast-risers such as LeClair Ryan. Richmond has another big advantage in talent recruitment: access to excellent law schools such as the University of Virginia, William & Mary and the University of Richmond, all located within the region or a few miles down the Interstate. All three law schools recruit nationally, and a disproportionate number of their graduates are recruited by local law firms.

    So, what can the Richmond region do to build its legal sector? Top lawyers travel a lot, so the most important piece of physical infrastructure is Richmond International Airport. Only a few years ago, Richmond had arguably the worst air service of any city its size. We now have a handsome new facility and much more competitive air fares and flight schedules. Otherwise, “economic development” consists of building the kind of communities that lawyers like to live in. In that regard, last weekend’s French Film Festival at Virginia Commonwealth University, an internationally known cultural event, may do more to make Richmond desirable to legal professionals than anything that traditional economic developers can do.