• LAURA SPEAKS THE TRUTH

    At 8:50 AM on โ€œThe โ€œMega-Stateโ€ and the Creative Classโ€ post of 18 April by Jim Bacon, Laura said…

    โ€œGroveton, Most of your observations about Europe ring true. The one statement that does not, ironically enough, is about the United States. Human settlement patterns in the U.S. are no less an artifact of government intervention than they are in Europe. The only difference is that U.S. government mandates and subsidizes scattered, disconnected, low-density development, while European governments do the opposite.โ€

    What a great statement!

    We spend thousands of bites and do not make that point well enough to keep in check the blabbering, whining, filibustering and obfuscation by those trying to over-wash and ridicule advocates of common sense, democracy and market economies.

    To put a bit of historical perspective on Lauraโ€™s statement:

    The original (1775 to 1794) controls, policies, programs and incentives by Agencies (aka, government) favored a Yeoman, agrarian society and was codified in the Northwest Ordinance of 1787. This government sponsored world-view of human settlement might be termed the Jeffersonian Ideal.

    The second generation of Agency controls, policies, programs and incentives was ushered in by the Andrew Jackson. Speculative exploitation of the land resource was added to the assumption that the US of A would be a agrarian society forever.

    We explore this and the following points in THE USE AND MANAGEMENT OF LAND, forthcoming.

    Following the Civil War, as the Industrial Revolution drove the urbanization of First World civilization, various patches (reflecting the insights of U. Sinclair, T. Roosevelt, R. Carson, J. Jacobs and many others) were applied to the Jefferson / Jacksonian framework.

    These patches have never addressed urban reality. Witness the failure of The Rule in Dillionโ€™s case, Home Rule, zoning, Corps of Engineers water projects, cotton, sugar, wheat and milk subsidies, REA, urban renewal, the Interstate Highway System (as contrasted with the Inter-regional Highway Plan), annexation moratoria and other well-intended and / or nefarious efforts to shape human settlement based on Myth, Winner-Take-All Economics and now โ€œSupercapitalism.โ€

    For those who understand what Laura is saying, here is a poster for your wall:

    โ€œSubโ€urban is dysfunctional urban. It is not nonurban and it does not belong in the Countryside.

    The Anti Jacksons

    EMR


  • No Special Session Any Time Soon

    Gov. Timothy M. Kaine has said that the General Assembly could hold a special session to deal with transportation issues as early as May or June this year. But Chelyen Davis with the Fredericksburg Free Lance-Star notes that lawmakers are so far from a consensus about what to do that “it may be months” before such a session could be organized.

    The major fault line is between legislators who favor a “statewide” tax increase to finance transportation improvements and those who prefer regional solutions. Republicans, including House Speaker William J. Howell, R-Stafford, tend to fall into the regional-solution camp. Said Howell: “There’s not a crisis statewide that has to be fixed before you can fix what needs to be done for Northern Virginia and Hampton Roads.”

    Considering that the Republicans still run the House of Delegates, Howell and his compatriots exercise effective veto power over any proposed solution.

    The Democrats, including Kaine, want a statewide solution that brings in a sustainable, long-term revenue flow. Trouble is, they can’t agree on which tax they prefer. Senate Majority Leader Richard Saslaw, D-Springfield, has touted the gas tax, while others have argued for a sales tax. Kaine has not yet expressed a preference.

    As far as I can tell, all proposals are based on political expediency — how to extract the most revenue from taxpayers with a minimum of fuss. Very few lawmakers, to my knowledge, have openly endorsed the most economically efficient and environmentally benign scheme of all: “user pays.”


  • The “Mega-Region” and the Creative Class

    The driving force in the world economy today is not the nation-state, argues “Creative Class” guru Richard Florida, but a new economic unit — something he calls the “mega-region.” The idea that nation-states are receding in relative importance is not a new one. When I was working at Virginia Business magazine some 12 to 15 years ago, we published a cover story on the “Rise of the City State,” based on the thinking of regional leadership consultant Jim Crupi. And no one can read the Bacon’s Rebellion blog for long without encountering Ed Risse’s concept of the “New Urban Region.”

    But Florida is suggesting that something else is going on. In a April 12, 2008, piece in the Wall Street Journal, Florida notes that a mere 40 mega-regions around the world account for one-fifth of the world’s population, two-thirds of global economic output and more than 85 percent of all global innovation. By his reckoning, the world’s greatest mega-region is Greater Tokyo, with 55 million people and $2.5 trillion in economic activity, while No. 2 is the 500-mile Boston-Washington corridor, with some 54 million people and $2.2 trillion in output.

    Based on the insight that mega-regions are the economic engines of the global economy, Florida suggests that the thrust of public policy should be to make them stronger and more competitive. Stay committed to global trade. Promote more urban densities, not sprawl. Modernize infrastructure. And stop transferring wealth from productive regions to lagging, unproductive ones.

    These are all ideas that I’m comfortable with. But I do wonder whether the concept of a “mega-region” is really a meaningful one. Florida did not have the space to elaborate upon his thinking in a short op-ed piece. Hopefully, he has done so in his new book, “Who’s Your City?”, which I have not yet read. So, I remain open to being persuaded, but at this point I have to say that the usefulness of the concept in guiding thinking about economic development is less than self-evident.

    The problem of defining the units of economic development is no mere academic issue. If we regard our community as part of a “city state” synonymous with a metropolitan region or a New Urban Region — the Washington region, the Hampton Roads region, the Richmond region, etc. — we will bend our efforts to creating institutions and linkages that match. If we regard our community as part of a “mega-region” stretching 500 miles across multiple states, we will organize our efforts quite differently.

    I find it difficult to see how the defining the urban agglomeration stretching from Boston to Northern Virginia as a “mega-region” reflects any political, economic or sociological reality. The Boston-Washington agglomeration has no self identity as a region. It spans some 10 to 12 states (depending on how you define the region) and too many municipalities to count. The mega-region encompasses numerous distinct labor markets. Florida may present evidence to the contrary in his book, but I don’t see the area as being tied together by any special business or economic linkages. To the contrary, to pick one example, the IT-centric economy of Northern Virginia has more corporate and business linkages with Silicon Valley in California than it does to, say, Philadelphia, New York City or even a technology center like Boston.

    Using Florida’s own theory of the “creative class” as a basis for thinking about the issue, I would suggest that the fundamental unit of regional economic development is the “labor pool” — a geographic entity within which the vast majority of people who live there also work there. The outer edges of such a region coincide with the “commuter shed” — beyond which people tend to commute to work in a different region. (This is a larger unit than the Metropolitan Statistical Areas catalogued by the U.S. Census. I believe it is how Ed Risse defines a New Urban Region, but I would welcome any clarification from him on that point.)

    Looking at a region as a “labor pool” rather than a collection of municipalities puts the emphasis where it rightly belongs in a knowledge-based economy: on the workforce. The most powerful driver of economic prosperity today is the depth and breadth of human capital, and the great economic-development challenge of the age is creating the kinds of communities where the most economically, artistically and scientifically productive members of the workforce (the “creative class”) are drawn to live and work by the regional quality of life.

    No one personally identifies with the “Boston-Washington” mega-region. No one moves to, say, the Northern Virginia portion of the mega-region on the logic, “Oh, yeah, I moved here for the great quality of life. We’ve got these really great educational institutions — like Harvard and Yale. And, man, the nightlife — you can’t beat those shows on Broadway!” No… people in Northern Virginia identify with George Mason University and Wolf Trap performing arts center, or maybe Georgetown University and the Kennedy Center.

    Florida is right to say that wealth creation around the world is highly concentrated in a few very large, super-productive regions. But what appears to be a “mega-region” may really be a cluster of “city states” or “New Urban Regions” in such close proximity that they overlap with one another. The driving unit, with which people identify and mobilize their efforts, occur at the level of the city state, not the mega-region.

    (Hat tip: Larry Gross.)


  • Stop the Presses: Bacon Admits He Was Wrong!

    Dominion spokesman Jim Norvelle takes exception to my reading of the State Corporation Commission rulings on coal-fired power plants proposed by Dominion and Apco. (See “SCC Nixes Apco Coal Plant — Is a Post-Coal Energy Era Soon Upon Us?“)

    In its recent rejection of an Apco proposal to build a coal-fueled power plant in West Virginia, I suggested, the SCC had looked skeptically upon the application of fluidized bed combustion technology. Noting that only two such facilities existed in the United States, I referred to the technology as “relatively novel.” Arguing that the SCC’s hands had been tied by General Assembly legislation regarding a proposed Dominion plant that also would use the technology, I concluded: “Kinda makes you think that the SCC never would have OK’d the Dominion plant if given a choice, doesn’t it?”

    Norvelle responds that the technology is “fully mature, with over 500 operating units worldwide, with some units in service for over 28 years.” I’ll concede the point immediately: The technology is widely used outside the United States. My bad. He also emphasized that the SCC’s problem wasn’t with the technology per se but the application of that technology on the scale that Apco proposed. Quoting the SCC ruling (my italics):

    APCo’s proposed IGCC Plant would be the largest of its kind constructed to date. … The record in this case indicates that there is no proven track record for the development and implementation of large-scale IGCC generation plants like the one proposed by APCo.

    That’s a fair point. I did not make it sufficiently clear in my post that Dominion’s Wise County facility would be smaller than Apco’s.

    Norvelle also noted that Dominion’s cost estimates are much more solid than Apco’s. While Apco had not nailed down a fixed-cost contract for any appreciable part of its proposed West Virginia facility, Dominion has secured fixed-price contracts covering 86 percent of the cost of its proposed Wise County plant.

    According to Norvelle, the SCC’s turn-down of the Apco goal-gasification has few implications for Dominion’s project. Dominion is still committed to “clean” coal as a fuel source for electricity. And quoting CEO Tom Farrell, he says: “Coal is by far our most abundant and economic domestic energy source. If we are serious about improving the nation’s energy security, we must maintain its use while protecting the environment at the same time.”

    Bacon’s Bottom Line: There are still valid questions regarding the economics of the Dominion project, but I erred in my previous post: There is no basis for extrapolating from the SCC’s Apco ruling that it would have nixed the Dominion project, too, if given a chance.


  • Save the Blue Crab

    Some of my best memories growing up 40 years ago were of standing at the end of the wooden pier on hot, sticky summer afternoons and throwing chicken necks on strings into the Elizabeth River. We kids would patiently tend the lines and whenever we felt a strong tug, it meant that a blue crab was trying to make off with the bait. We’d draw up the string, slowly, slowly, so as not to spook the crustacean until it was visible just beneath the water’s surface. Then we’d swoop in with a net and scoop it up. Next would follow the prickly task of untangling the fins and claws and spiky shell from the net without getting a nasty bite from the flailing pinchers. Often as not, we’d drop the crab, and it would skitter off the pier and plop into the water.

    These days, not enough crabs are getting away. According to a joint statement by Gov. Timothy M. Kaine and Maryland’s Gov. Martin O’Malley, crab populations in the Chesapeake Bay and its estuaries “are down 70 percent from 1990 levels and are showing no signs of recovery…”

    From the Washington Post:

    The governors are ordering state agencies to cut the harvest of female blue crabs this year by a third. That’s fine as far as it goes; last year, watermen caught an estimated 60 percent of the crabs in the bay, far in excess of the 46 percent goal the states had set some years ago as a means of sustaining the fishery. But it is really more of a stopgap designed to avert utter catastrophe than a lasting solution.

    Sad to say, but my youngest child, nine years old, will never know the simple pleasures of crabbing. When the species is at risk, the kind of play that my childhood friends engaged in, entailing the death of many innocent crabs left carelessly in crab buckets, is no longer appropriate. The slow-motion destruction of the Chesapeake Bay represents a loss for children whose summers will never be as full as mine — not to mention a tragedy for Virginia’s “beautiful swimmers.” Tolerating the devastation of his remarkable species, so critical to the Chesapeake ecology and so interwoven with our heritage, would be a crime.


  • Regional Transportation Authorities + Gasoline Sales Tax?

    Former VDOT Commissioner Ray Pethtel floats an idea for funding regional transportation authorities through a 2 percent retail sales tax on gasoline.

    The General Assembly would need to create a statewide transportation district with optional or mandatory participation for localities. The statewide district would be governed by local elected officials. Each local government would be required to vote to become a member, satisfying the constitutional requirement.

    The new statewide district would have authority to impose a 2 percent tax, again under existing law. In order to gain voluntary participation, legislation should allocate the funds to the regional entities of Northern Virginia, Richmond and Hampton Roads according to the amount collected in those areas. The district then could allocate the remaining funds through the statewide formulas to those jurisdictions that participate.

    Since the tax is based on a percentage of the retail sales price of gas, the revenue would be sensitive to inflation. And there is an existing mechanism to collect retail taxes — so administration would not be costly.

    Read the full proposal in the Roanoke Times.


  • Pat McSweeney: Bane of the Political Class

    Patrick McSweeney is one of the few public figures in Virginia today who hews to the spirit of the founding fathers who protested taxation without representation. First he challenged the constitutionality of giving unelected regional transportation authorities the power to levy taxes. The state Supreme Court backed him up. Now he’s going after the planned transfer of the Dulles Toll Road to the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority.

    As reported by the Washington Times, the Supreme Court heard oral arguments in the case yesterday. McSweeney, a Richmond attorney, originally filed the suit in Richmond Circuit Court, where it was dismissed. He appealed, and now the Supreme Court is hearing it. The lawsuit argues that the transfer should be invalidated because the General Assembly never approved it. “The governor and executive agencies exercise no power not granted by the General Assembly,” McSweeney told the court. “They acted beyond their authorization.”

    The Kaine administration wants to continue charging tolls on the road, which is scheduled to pay off the last construction bonds by 2016. Now the Axis of Taxes sees the tolls as a multibillion-dollar revenue stream that can help pay for construction of the Rail-to-Dulles heavy rail project. Insofar as the tolls would be applied to a purpose totally divorced from their original function — paying for construction of, or improvements, to the toll road — they constitute a tax.

    Making matters worse, the Kaine administration proposes to transfer the road to the MWAA, to which it has given oversight of the Rail-to-Dulles project. As was the case with the regional transportation authorities that the Supreme Court struck down, the MWAA governing body is not elected. Indeed, its board contains representatives not only from Virginia but Maryland and Washington, D.C.!

    The unelected nature of the MWAA is not the legal issue in this lawsuit — the authority of the Kaine administration to transfer the toll road is the issue — but from a political perspective, this case is all about taxation without representation. This is all about the forces of Business As Usual getting something they want (Rail-to-Dulles) and have someone other than themselves (Dulles toll road commuters) to pay for it — without the consent of those paying the money.

    I’m crossing my fingers and hoping McSweeney hits this one out of the park, too. Two legal grand slams in one season, that would be something else!


  • VEOLIA AD IN AN EVER SMALLER WORLD

    Those who are accustomed to our complaining about WaPo ads โ€“ and MainStream Media ads in general โ€“ may be surprised but todayโ€™s WaPo on page A-7 has an ad that is worth a careful look.

    After you have looked at the โ€œDo you see a Tree?, We also see a universal challenge.โ€ ad, check out the Veolia web site to find out about this Enterprise that provides โ€œwater, waste, energy and transport servicesโ€ for urban areas.

    Here is the story:

    The ad has for a background a high-oblique air photo of what appears to be a swatch of French Countryside. It may be Tuscany or Bavaria or ?. It may even be New Zealand or South Africa but it โ€˜looks likeโ€™ the countryside in Europa. In this swatch of Countryside the farmsteads are not centered on hamlets because the artist did not want to distract from the โ€˜Tree.โ€™

    The โ€˜Treeโ€™ is an Alpha Village scale urban place with a divided parkway serving as the โ€œtrunk.โ€ It could be a large Lewenz (โ€˜Parallelโ€™) Village but does not have the Autonomobile Free Core. In the graphic one can identify a number of land uses that โ€˜couldโ€™ represent a Balance of J / H / S / R / A.

    What is very apparent is the Clear Edge and the relationship between Openspace inside the Clear Edge with Open Land outside the Clear Edge.

    Could it just be that Veolia, an Enterprise that provides water, waste, energy and transport services, knows a thing or two about the settlement patterns the result from the fair allocation of location-variable cost?

    OK, perhaps it is just a nice graphic that happens to be useful to illustrate those realities.

    We will never know.

    On a related topic, NPR did a two part series on 31 March and 1 April on the climate and lifestyle impact of dysfunctional and functional human settlement patterns. The Atlanta New Urban Region is the venue. The functional example โ€“ Atlantic Station โ€“ was designed based on the Richard Thornton graphic we included and described in our โ€œAll Aboardโ€ column of 16 April 2007.

    It is a small world and getting smaller with fewer places to hide for the 12 ยฝ Percenters.

    EMR


  • “Risse Tends to Ruffle Feathers”

    EMR ruffles feathers. Imagine that!

    Ed Risse had a chance to speak truth to power last week when he participated in a round table discussion with Fauquier County’s supervisors on the topic of developing a “functional and sustainable future.” Read a bit more about the session in this advance story published in the Fauquier Times-Democrat. Readers of Bacon’s Rebellion will find most of the ideas discussed in the article to be familiar. But the best part of the article isn’t about Ed’s ideas, it’s about Ed. Permit me to quote at some length:

    Risse tends to ruffle feathers.

    “Ed can walk into a room and immediately alienate the community-development people,” said [Terry] Nyhous, a former Warrenton town councilman. “Iโ€™ve seen it at the town a couple of times. [Warrenton Planning Director] Chris Mothersead would get himself in a dander” listening to Risse, Nyhous said.

    Risse even makes him “mad” sometimes, Nyhous said with a laugh.

    But he reminds himself that Risse intends his criticism to be constructive, the Center District supervisor said. “And Iโ€™ve got to keep [his frustration] in the box and listen” to Risse.

    Risse knows he sometimes rubs the bureaucrats the wrong way. A few years ago, he made a presentation to the Fauquier planning commission and staff that implicitly faulted the countyโ€™s land-planning practices, assumptions and results.

    Risse received a chilly response.

    Later, “a planning commissioner came up to me and said thatโ€™s just what those people needed to hear,” he recalled.

    Yeah, that sounds about right. That’s the Ed we know and love.


  • Voodoo Economics, Meet Cow Poo Economics

    There’s a reason why Albemarle County is one of the most picturesque places in Virginia. Its stately manor houses and landscapes enjoy layers of protection from the higher real estate taxes that result from providing services to a growing, urbanizing population. But people who don’t live in those manor houses are beginning to grumble.

    A group calling itself Forever Albemarle and claiming more than 100 members was formed in October. The leader, Hank Martin, asserts that small property owners are getting a raw deal, according to the Daily Progress. At issue is a land-use taxation program that allows landowners to defer hefty amounts of their real-estate tax bill on agricultural and open space land for up to five years. About 60 percent of Albemarle County acreage qualified for the program, with the result that $17.8 million in taxes were deferred last year– shifting the tax burden onto homeowners. (And those numbers don’t even include the tax benefits of conservation easements.)

    But Albemarle Farm Bureau President Carl Tinder argues that open space and farmland don’t require the same level of services that subdivisions do. Says Tinder: โ€œMy cows have never got on a school bus. … Weโ€™re paying more than our fair share.โ€ Without the tax deferment program, he argues, more farmers would be forced to sell their land.

    Supervisor David L. Slutzky disputes that logic. As reporter Jeremy Borden summarizes his thinking:

    When a rural landowner bought the land, he paid less because the sale price reflects the longer wait for emergency services, rural roads and other โ€œdis-amenities,โ€ Slutzky said. โ€œI think that the land-use program in its current form is a bad idea,โ€ Slutzky said. โ€œThe cows-donโ€™t-go-to-school position is bogus economics.โ€

    Voodoo economics, meet Cow Poo economics. As this controversy reminds us, the politics of growth is all about getting what you want — and getting someone else to pay for it.


  • SCC Nixes Apco Coal Plant — Is a Post-Coal Energy Era Soon Upon Us?

    The news: The State Corporation Commission has rejected a proposal by Appalachian Power Co. to build a 629-megawatt, coal-fired power plant in West Virginia, stating that its $2.23 billion cost estimate was “not credible.” (Read the SCC press release here.) The plant would supply electricity to Apco’s service territory in western Virginia.

    The proposed Apco plant bears similarities to a $1.7 billion coal-fired power facility proposed by Dominion in Wise County. Both would use a relatively novel coal gasification process to reduce pollutants, and both would be designed to incorporate carbon-sequestration technologies to capture emissions of CO2 greenhouse gases, if and when they become commercially viable. While the SCC approved the Dominion facility on the grounds that General Assembly legislation had usurped the commission’s usual oversight role by declaring the plant to be in the public interest, the commission was under no such restrictions with the Apco proposal.

    The SCC found that APCoโ€™s proposal was neither โ€œreasonableโ€ nor โ€œprudent,โ€ a finding that must be made under Virginia law before Virginia consumers can be charged for the costs of a new power plant. Among the problems: Apco has no fixed-price contract for any appreciable portion of the construction costs, and there are no meaningful price or performance guarantees or controls for the project.

    Of potentially broader significance, the SCC questioned the economics of the coal gasification technology on the scale that Apco proposes:

    The use of IGCC technology for a coal-fired power plant of this size (629 megawatts) posed additional uncertainties and risks for Virginia ratepayers. The SCC noted that this would be the largest commercial power plant to use IGCC technology constructed to date, and that APCo had โ€œconfirmed that there are only two IGCC power plants operating in the United States and both plants are โ€˜less than halfโ€™ the sizeโ€ of APCoโ€™s proposed plant.

    โ€œThe record โ€ฆ indicates that there is no proven track record for the development and implementation of large-scale IGCC generation plants like the one proposed by APCo,โ€ the SCC continued.

    Finally, the SCC contended that there was no credible way to forecast how much it would cost to implement the carbon-sequestration technology, which Apco had estimated at between $200 million to $300 million.

    Bacon’s spin on the news: Kinda makes you think that the SCC never would have OK’d the Dominion plant if given a choice, doesn’t it?

    Meanwhile, given the new, higher environmental standards to which coal-fired power plants are being held in the United States, far fewer will be built than thought only a few years ago. Power companies hewing to the Big Grid model of centralized, large-scale power sources connected to population centers by high-voltage transmission lines will have little choice but to turn to nuclear power… which the environmentalists are sure to oppose with equal zeal. That will leave us to the tender mercies of small-scale, renewable energy sources, which, however cool they are, are unlikely to meet projected increases in demand over the next 10 years.

    I think we can confidently predict a future of much higher electricity rates in Virginia. Consumers will have no choice but to conserve. The market for energy conservation technologies and business models is looking very bullish.


  • Albemarle Corp. Chases Mercury-Removal Business

    There are many, many environmental concerns associated with the use of coal as a fuel for electrical power plants. One of the most intractable has been the emission of mercury, a highly toxic chemical that tends to concentrate in the food chain.

    Now Albemarle Corp., a Richmond-headquartered manufacturer of specialty chemicals, has signed a letter of intent to acquire Ohio-based Sorbent Technologies Corporation, a full-service power plant mercury control provider. The $20 million deal combines Sorbent’s mercury-control solutions, which utilize bromine, with Albemarle’s $2.4 billion in revenues, its expertise in bromine manufacturing, and its track record in commercializing new specialty chemical products. (Read the press release.)

    Says Albemarle CEO Mark C. Rohr: “Escalating energy demands and the global call for environmentally sound power generation have converged to present tremendous opportunity for Albemarle’s leading bromine chemistry, as utilities and industrial plants seek cost-effective solutions to reduce emissions.”


  • Using Taxpayer Dollars… to Lobby for More Taxpayer Dollars

    The Northern Virginia Transportation Authority may be broke and powerless, but that’s not stopping it from agitating for more money. In a creative, Internet-era ploy, reports a chirpy Washington Post article today, the authority is asking Northern Virginia commuters to make videos of their miserable rides and post them on its YouTube page for NoVa legislators to see. (As of 8:41 a.m., no one had posted any videos yet.)

    As Eric Weiss explains: “The YouTube effort is part of an Internet-based lobbying campaign by NVTA to regain its money and clout after the Virginia Supreme Court recently ruled that its taxing power was unconstitutional. The main reason NVTA members are turning to the Internet is because it’s free.”

    But the NVTA must not be entirely broke. At the very least, from what I can deduce from its website, the authority has enough money to support an executive director, hold meetings, maintain a website and pen public policy statements. And it’s using that money, which comes directly or indirectly from taxpayers, to agitate for more tax money. Here’s the NVTA message to commuters:

    Virginia’s General Assembly needs to take action now! Contact your representative and ask them to implement the NVTA taxes and fees and enact a statewide transportation plan that meets the needs of Northern Virginia and the Commonwealth.

    The NVTA lists “eight principles” to guide Northern Virginia transportation solutions here. The principles can be summarized succinctly as demanding “mo’ money” to build more road and rail capacity in Northern Virginia at both the local and regional levels. Without saying so explicitly, the NVTA is pushing for more money for itself.

    Does anyone else have a problem with a quasi-state entity like the NVTA using taxpayer dollars to agitate for… more taxpayer dollars? It’s one thing for the elected officials who comprise the membership of the organization to lobby for particular transportation solutions, but it’s another for a taxpayer-funded organization to engage in such advocacy itself. The Business-As-Usual viewpoint already dominates the Mainstream Media, and the Axis of Taxes already enjoys a huge fund-raising advantage over taxpayers and environmentalists in the growth-management controversy. The NVTA initiative is just piling on.

    I will defend the rights of home builders, road contractors and other special interests to spend their own money to advance their agendas in Richmond — the U.S. Constitution guarantees the rights “of the people peaceably to assembly, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.” But I have a big problem — a very big problem — when advocacy groups co-opt tax dollars to promote their causes.

    This cute little YouTube initiative needs to end now.

    Update: John Mason, the NVTA executive director, defends the YouTube initiative as follows:

    With respect to the premise underlying your comments on NVTA advocacy, Virginia Code (ยง15.2-4840) specifically authorizes the NVTA to serve as โ€œan advocate of the transportation needs of Northern Virginia before state and federal governmentsโ€. Our approach is based on using YouTube, which is free. We are simply facilitating communication between citizens and their legislative policymakers.


  • Charlottesville: How Much Leverage Over Developers Is Too Much?

    It’s a perennial question: What’s the proper balance between planning and free markets in governing a municipality? That issue has come into sharp focus in Charlottesville as city leaders juggle property rights, economic development, transportation capacity, affordable housing and quality of life. Some developers are warning that the cityโ€™s effort to exert more control over future development downtown could backfire and deter growth, reports Seth Rosen with the Daily Progress.

    Last week, the Planning Commission endorsed height limits on buildings in order to preserve the pedestrian-friendly character of downtown. Meanwhile, the planning staff is seeking to decrease by-right building densities downtown in order to force developers to apply for special permits, which in turn gives the City more leverage in extracting monetary concessions from them. The tighter regs, says commissioner Mike Farruggio, provide โ€œsome more latitude and control to make sure it is healthy development and is what we want to occur.โ€

    Oliver Kuttner, who has re-developed several downtown properties, condemns the proposed changes. โ€œIf you drop the by-right you basically stop all development downtown,” he says. “Any developer who buys property buys it strictly on by-right calculations.โ€

    It’s a tricky trade-off. Handled incorrectly, Charlottesville’s proposed new approach becomes a mechanism by which the political class extorts wealth from developers for redistribution to favored causes and constituencies. If developers are spooked, downtown could stagnate.

    On the other hand, a laissez-faire approach towards development has its drawbacks. Re-developing old properties at higher densities increases requirements for parking, street capacity and municipal services, which the city must bear. If the city embraces the principle that growth should pay its own way — otherwise taxpayers wind up subsidizing the developers — it needs a mechanism for developers to contribute to the added strain their projects impose on city infrastructure and services.

    The strategy proposed for Charlottesville is very similar to the way Arlington County conducts business. Arlington officials tout their development model, but they warn that it requires certain political preconditions. First, there must be a long-term consensus on what the community should look like and how development takes place — no whip-sawing back and forth between conflicting policies. Second, Arlington hires top professionals in their fields, including men and women with hands-on experience in the private-sector side of the business, who can approach negotiations with realistic expectations and creative, problem-solving ideas. Charlottesville leaders would be well advised to consult the Arlington County experience before proceeding with their experiment.


  • What Parents Are Getting for their College Tuitions These Days

    I’m back from Augusta, Ga., and I’m probably miles behind the rest of the Virginia blogosphere on this topic, but I figured I’d post it anyway. As a father who has sent two daughters through college and anticipate doing the same for a son, I would be most unhappy if my child were attending Randolph College, an expensive liberal arts school in Lynchburg. (Jerry Falwell is spinning in his grave!)

    According to MSNBC, the American Studies program at Randolph College has sponsored a field to trip Las Vegas for a closer look at…. drum roll… a brothel!

    Each semester, the course examines a strain of American culture and ends with a class trip. Reports MSNBC in a breathless, isn’t-this-interesting tone: The brothel tour was a natural fit for a class on American consumption and “the ideas that consume us.” Said Julio Rodriguez, the director of the college’s American Culture Program: “Don’t just study America โ€” live it.”

    “I think it’s fascinating, this is fun for me,” said Nicki Amouri, a junior at the private liberal arts school . “Not many people get to do this.”

    Isn’t that special?

    The 12 students interviewed “Alicia,” a prostitute at the Chicken Ranch. Sample questions: Do you consider yourself a feminist? Is there a certain look that most men prefer? Do you give a military discount? What’s the worst part of the job? (Answer to the last question: Being cooped up all day. “Feeling morally degraded” apparently wasn’t high on the list of drawbacks.) Next stop for the class: a backstage revue of the risque review “Jubilee.”

    While the Randolph College students took a values-free look at prostitution, I had ringside seats two nights ago in an Augusta, Ga., restaurant where a group of five or six middle-aged men were hanging out and pounding down drinks at the bar. A stunning young black woman, dressed in a tasteful red and white sun dress and matching purse, joined them. She was extremely forward and familiar with the men, one of whom was wearing a wedding ring, and they clearly enjoyed flirting with her. One guy served her some mussel hors d’oeuvres and asked in a boozy voice, loud enough for everyone at our table to hear, “Does it make you horny?” After 45 minutes or so, they all left the restaurant together. Draw your own conclusions as to the nature of the relationship.

    The incident was almost as instructive as the Randy Mac students’ trip to the Chicken Ranch. Only difference: I didn’t have a chance to query the “sex worker.” (We wouldn’t want to use a judgmental word like “whore,” would we?) If I had, I would have asked the young woman at the Augusta restaurant – who must have been a college student, judging by her glamorous looks, vocabulary and diction, which surpassed in sophistication that of the men she was accompanying — what the hell are you doing?

    You’re a beautiful young woman, why are you selling yourself to low-life creeps like these guys? Given the fact that you’re black and they’re white, do you ever feel exploited? Does your family know about this? Do you ever feel guilty or remorseful about what you do? Is this something you’ll feel comfortable telling your children about some day? Could you explain your moral value structure — does sex mean anything more to you than a commodity to sell?

    Contemporary American consumerism exists in a moral void today. But it isn’t the consumerism that scours our souls. I think the causality works quite the other way around. A moral vacuum — a hedonistic search for pleasure and self-gratification, lacking any higher purpose — steers us into excessive consumerism without any thought to the moral implications. If the MSNBC story was any indication, however, the Randolph College course never plumbed the subject to that depth. The story itself certainly didn’t.

    If I were a parent of a Randolph College child, I’d be demanding my money back. Here’s the saddest part of all: The parents of these children apparently saw nothing wrong with the trip. Someone had to foot the tab for the cross-country travel — and it probably wasn’t the students. I am not religious and I am not a prude, but I certainly don’t want my daughters embracing a values-free outlook on prostitution.