Apologies for being away from the keyboard, but when dealing with and reading and writing about the City of Richmond, everyone deserves (and needs) a little R&R now and then. So while I am away, take a visit to Sharp’s Island in the middle of the James River just west of the Mayo Bridge and south of Mayo Island. It is a one-acre piece of sand and rock that was purchased by avid outdoorsman Andy Thompson and 10 other local families in 2019. Richmond BizSense had a great story about it that year in which Thompson said:
When recruiting friends to purchase the island, Thompson said reactions generally fell into one of two categories.“It’s almost like a personality test,” he said.
“Some people are like, ‘Case closed, I’m in.’ Then some people are like, ‘What’s wrong with you? Why would you buy an island?’ It’s hilarious the reactions you get.”
These are the parlor games court watchers are playing in Virginia as the commonwealth’s Supreme Court justices mull one of the most consequential decisions of their careers.
The seven justices will decide if the recent redistricting referendum, the one restoring gerrymandering to Virginia, will stand.
It shouldn’t. And the entire country is watching this travesty unfold.
Democrats, who control all three branches of government, have played cute with a number of Virginia’s laws in their breathless attempt to stage a special election in April and transform a 6-5 Democrat state to a solidly Dem state with a 10-1 congressional delegation.
Everything from the loaded language of the ballot question to the timing of votes was an exercise in shameless chicanery.
For example, Virginia law requires that constitutional questions be put to the voters only after the matter is approved by the General Assembly in two distinct sessions, separated by a General Assembly election. The hastily crafted return-to-gerrymandering question was voted on by legislators in October 2025, after early voting had begun. Certainly this violated the spirit if not the letter of Virginia law.
How ironic will it be if early voting – a device that Dems love to pad ballot totals – craters the referendum. Continue reading.
The allowance price (carbon tax) per ton charged within the RGGI compact to any electricity generator burning coal, oil or natural gas.
Virginia’s impending return to the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI) has driven up the price for carbon credits in the multistate cap-and-trade system’s secondary market. The futures price exceeded $41 per ton this morning, far above the roughly $25 per ton that utilities had to pay in the March 2026 auction.
It reflects the widespread expectation that Virginia electricity generators will be needing to buy far more allowances than Virginia will have available to sell, so they will be competing for allowances sold by the other ten states within the compact. High demand and short supply mean higher prices.
The next carbon allowance auction, and the first to include all the Virginia power plants as bidders, will be held in June, just weeks before the revised RGGI regulation takes effect in Virginia. As the General Assembly commanded, the final regulation was rushed through without any public input and has now been signed by Governor Abigail Spanberger (D).
The information page on the Virginia Regulatory Town Hall website includes a three-paragraph economic impact statement that says absolutely nothing about economics or ratepayer impact. It’s a whitewash. The Governor’s Review Memo, dated April 24, is just one word: Approved.
Virginia will have 11.5 million carbon allowances to sell in the final six months (two auctions) of 2026. At the price set in the March auction, that will reap the state treasury about $288 million by the end of the calendar year. But a $40 per ton auction outcome would yield $460 million in six months and points to almost $1 billion in potential annual tax receipts in future years.
Some key points:
First, the regulation just adopted will be obsolete after this year. The other states, while Virginia was away, adopted many changes for the three-year “control period” that begins in January 2027. Virginia will need a new regulation to reflect those.
Before her appointment as faculty representative to the University of Virginia Board of Visitors, the then-chair of the Faculty Senate manipulated the student council president to advance her campaign against the previous board.
by the Jefferson Council
UVA’s Faculty Senate has spent the better part of the last year delivering lectures on transparency, trust, and institutional integrity. Resolutions were passed. Statements were issued. The language was always lofty — accountability, shared governance, the independence of the University community.
After receiving several tips about inappropriate communications between Jeri Seidman, a professor and head of the Faculty Senate, and Clay Dickerson, then-president of UVA Student Council, a FOIA request was submitted to UVA. The thread produced by the FOIA request is a series of texts stretching from July 2025 through March 2026. It is 36 pages long, detailed, and damning.
What it shows is not two University leaders exchanging ideas in good faith. It shows a faculty member methodically cultivating a student leader, scripting his public statements, directing his organization’s actions, manipulating his messaging, and using him as a vehicle to move public opinion — all while the Faculty Senate was publicly and simultaneously demanding transparency from the same administration they were privately working to undermine.
Campaigns Coordinated in Secret
The texts reveal that Seidman’s involvement in the anti-Board of Visitors campaign was not occasional or advisory; it was operational, sustained, and hidden.
They began on July 20th, coordinating to speak via a phone call on an unknown subject; the next day Seidman texted, “Glad you talked with NBC. I just commented as well.” A few hours later she referenced an NBC29 news segment that had just been published, calling it a “good news piece” that “made us seem all aligned.” Apparently, they “seemed” all aligned since they had coordinated efforts beforehand.
Four hours is one thing, but 45 days? See a (juris) doctor.
Iustitia by Raphael in the Hall of Constantine, Vatican City State
by Shaun Kenney
Color me just a tiny bit surprised that the Great Seal of the Supreme Court of Virginia hasn’t been cancelled just yet.
For those who have always wondered, Iustitia is holding the scales of justice in her left hand and petting what is indeed an ostrich to her right — an ancient word for justice in Egyptian hieroglyphics being an ostrich feather. The original can be found at the Vatican in the Hall of Constantine — used by previous popes to receive diplomats and other dignitaries vising the Holy See — where there are Iustitia and Comitas (Justice and Friendship) presiding over four scenes meant to impose upon the dignitaries the unique position of the Vicar of Christ:
The Vision of the Cross where Constantine received his guarantee IN HOC SIGNO VINCES (“In this sign you will conquer” — the Cross),
The subsequent Battle of Milvian Bridge where the Emperor Constantine defeated the pagan armies of Maxentius in 312 AD,
The Baptism of Constantine.
…and finally the Donation of Constantine granting the Holy See temporal power over the Papal States (now widely considered to be a convenient forgery and abandoned by the Lateran Treaty of 1929).
Over these four scenes presided over by Justice and Friendship is the fresco on the ceiling entitled The Triumph of Christianity over Paganism. Clearly, whoever drew up the Great Seal of the Supreme Court of Virginia in 1932 was more than just a classicist at heart.
Monday morning’s Supreme Court of Virginia hearing did not go well for Virginia Democrats, who were sorely tested on both their method and their madness.
“A deliberate obfuscation.”
Sen. Scott Surovell (D-Fairfax), Senate Majority Leader
by Ali Ahmad
One of the most striking themes from last Wednesday’s reconvened session was the widespread rejection of Governor Spanberger‘s recommendations. Legislative Information Services shows that of 180 bills amended, the legislature adopted 137, placing those bills straight into law without returning them to her desk.
For the first time in decades, the General Assembly also preemptively overrode the Governor’s potential veto on a bill she amended. That bill now passes into law without the opportunity for additional action by the Governor. Essentially cutting the Governor out of the process. The rest of the bills are back on her desk for a final 30-days of bill review.
Many of the bills where the Governor’s recommendations were rejected were, without a doubt, some of the most sweeping changes to Virginia law adopted by the legislature this session.
Senate Majority Leader Scott Surovell (D-Fairfax) said he was “disappointed” that these changes were proposed “at the 11th hour instead of during the legislative process.”
The Governor IS Part of the Legislative Process
This language is a deliberate obfuscation of the legislative process outlined by the Constitution of Virginia. A 60- or 45-day session is followed by a 30-day Bill Review by the governor, then a Reconvened Session and then a subsequent 30-day review on any bill that has been returned to his or her desk.
Dems are crafting a revolution with an end-run around the Constitution.
George Washington and the other Founders at the Constitutional Convention
by John Lucas
Virginia Governor Abigail Spanberger has just cemented her place in history as one of the most radical and dishonest governors in the country. She has a lot of competition for that title, but she is doing her best to surpass all rivals for the crown.
One of her latest anti-Constitutional scams is to evade the Constitutional process for electing the President by effectively abolishing the Electoral College, which has been a key part of our Constitution and republican system of government since 1789.
Like her efforts to amend the Virginia Constitution, Spanberger’s more recent abuse does not pretend to benefit Virginia voters. In fact, it has the opposite effect by trashing long-established constitutional rights.
Spanberger and her Democrat lap doggies in the General Assembly are attempting to deprive all Virginians of a fundamental right — the right to have a meaningful voice in the election of the President of the United States when they cast their ballots. If they succeed, Virginians will still be able to vote in future presidential elections but their votes will be diluted by over 150 million voters in the other 49 states and the District of Columbia. And Virginia and Virginians will have no say in policing the accountability of other states’ voter fraud and electoral theft.
I have two words for anyone who campaigned for or voted for Jay Jones and who now is calling for an end to violent rhetoric:
Shut up.
Case in point, Gov. Abigail Spanberger.
After merrily campaigning with Jay “Two Bullets” Jones she’s suddenly against violence. This comes after a would-be assassin was stopped just outside of a DC hotel ballroom Saturday night where the president and most members of his cabinet were attending the White House Correspondents’ Dinner.
Pity she – and other Democrats – didn’t feel this way six months ago. If they had, Virginia might still have a competent attorney general who doesn’t want his political opponents dead.
No one who campaigned with Jones should be pretending to denounce political violence. They’re fine with it and they should have the decency to sit this one out. Continue reading.
Can the Virginia Supreme Court be counted on to overturn the redistricting referendum?
Image credit: Virginian-Pilot
by Ken Reid
The Virginia Supreme Court is scheduled to hear arguments in Richmond Monday (April 27) on whether the recently approved constitutional amendment on redistricting was put on the ballot legally, in response to Republican litigation filed in January and February.
A number of attorneys in the GOP camp think the court could overturn the referendum. But an interview with Norfolk’s Channel 13 News, political analyst Leslie Caughell noted that revisiting the issue would place justices in a difficult position.
“You can only imagine how voters would feel or perceive the legitimacy of the court, or maybe the partisanship of the court if voters vote yes on this and then the court subsequently throws it out,” Caughell told the station. “I think it’s a really hard thing for the court to do.”
Caughell also pointed to precedent in other states, noting that the supreme courts of Texas and California have both approved redistricting efforts during active election cycles.
But there was a case in 1956 where a referendum in Arlington was allowed to go to the voters and then revoked by the court. Read about it here in Cardinal News.”
Virginia is quietly setting up to mandate all 6-12th graders be screened for mental conditions annually—will push HUGE numbers of kids toward to mis- and overdiagnosis. @ALegalProcess —who spots more scary details in legalese than anyone else—writes how bad it is. @CityJournalpic.twitter.com/Aj4fkKKzIQ
For over a decade, happiness has been in free fall among young adults. The share of young adults ages 22 to 35 who reported being “pretty” to “very” happy has fallen by 12-percentage points since 2010. Notably, these declines in happiness have been concentrated among the unmarried. From 2010 to 2024, happiness among married young adults fell from 94% to 90%, compared to a decline from 82% to 68% among unmarried young adults, resulting in a 22-percentage point gap between the groups. This growing marriage-advantage may be driven by both selection effects into marriage and marriage’s protective effects against isolation in a digital age.
At several key moments, Governor Abigail Spanberger has struggled to define her own agenda.
During the campaign, she emphasized “affordability,” but the rollout leaned more on broad themes than specific, actionable proposals. Historically, new governors tend to anchor their first session with a clear set of priorities—legislation that signals direction and gives their party something concrete to organize around. That kind of defining initiative never fully materialized.
In the absence of that clarity, the General Assembly did what legislatures always do: It filled the space. Lawmakers advanced their own priorities, not all of which aligned with Spanberger’s stated goal of governing from the middle. Once that dynamic takes hold, it becomes difficult for any governor to reassert control.
At the same time, the administration never seemed to fully settle into a rhythm with the press. Previous governors—whether Terry McAuliffe or Glenn Youngkin—were willing to engage consistently, even under pressure, using regular interaction to shape their narrative. By contrast, Spanberger’s approach has been more limited, relying heavily on staged appearances without the same level of sustained policy discussion. In a media environment like Richmond’s, where access and relationships still matter, that choice has consequences.
Democratic Speaker of the Va. House Don Scott (circled) with Maj. Gen. Wins at the VMI basketball game, 25 Jan 2025, the day after the Senate Committee removed Elliott and Foster from the BOV. This was Scott’s first visit to VMI, requested by Wins. Scott later accused the BOV of bias in their decision not to renew Maj. Gen. Win’s contract.
The Cadet staff
Virginia’s House Speaker demanded the resignation or change of roles of two Virginia Military Institute Board of Visitors (BOV) members or suffer budget consequences, allege sources with direct knowledge of the threat. Lt. Gen. David Furness’s continuance as superintendent is conditioned on compliance. The Cadet is investigating, has submitted formal questions, and is awaiting a response.
Multiple sources with knowledge of the events provided The Cadet with serious allegations involving Virginia House Speaker Don Scott, D-Portsmouth — allegations that neither VMI nor its alumni organizations have made public.
According to those sources, Speaker Scott requested either the resignation or a change in role of two prominent members of VMI’s Board of Visitors: Mr. Teddy Gottwald and Col. (Ret.) Jamie Inman. The sources allege the request was not made as a matter of ordinary governance, but was accompanied by an explicit threat: that if Gottwald and Inman did not comply, the Speaker would take adverse action against VMI’s budget and appropriations in the current — and possibly future — legislative sessions.
These are serious allegations involving the potential use of legislative appropriations authority as a coercive instrument against an independent state institution. The Cadet is investigating.
Further, the sources allege the actions were presented as a condition for the Speaker to cease his separate campaign to pressure VMI Superintendent Lt. Gen. David Furness into resigning, and threats to VMI’s budget now before the General Assembly. Public comments from members of the VMI administration, previously reported in The Cadet, confirmed that Scott communicated conditions related to Lt. Gen. Furness’s tenure directly to the Superintendent himself and, separately, to Cadet leadership meetings at which Scott was present. The condition was that Furness resign so that Scott would stop his actions against the Institute.
The year: 2075. The American colonies on the Moon are getting restless under Washington’s tyrannical rule….
This second edition of “Dust Mites” has a snazzy new cover, includes helpful lunar maps, and is 5,000 words tighter than the original. The sequel, “Trogs,” is scheduled for publication this summer.
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