• Setting Priorities for Civic Investment

    I’m still plugging away on my “Economy 4.0” series. This edition, I tackle the topic of setting priorities for civic investment.

    I start my column, “Tomahawk Chop,” with a brief discussion of the much-lamented decamping of the Richmond Braves to Gwinnett County, Ga. The Braves cited the inability of the Richmond region to settle upon a location and financing mechanism to build a new ballfield as the reason for their move. I make the case that the loss of the Braves is no big deal. Richmonders clearly didn’t want them to stay badly enough, or they would have gotten their act together. The fact is, Richmonders have lots of other places to spend their civic resources.

    (Dave Anderson makes the case, which I share, in a Times-Dispatch op-ed today that Mayor L. Douglas Wilder deserves most of the blame for screwing up the Braves’ favored alternative of locating a ballfield in Shockoe Bottom. But that’s another story for another time.)

    By “civic resources,” I mean three things (a) pork barrel projects made possible by our state and federal elected officials, (b) capital improvement projects funded by local government, and (c) philanthropic contributions from the citizenry. There is only so much pork that our legislators can bring home (thank goodness), only so much indebtedness local governments can take on for things like convention centers and baseball stadiums, and only so much money that can be milked from individual philanthropists and community fund-raising efforts.

    Just as government should prioritize how it spends its money, so should communities set priorities about how they invest their civic resources. Currently, most regions approach civic improvements haphazardly. Many communities make laundry lists of projects they’d like to see funded, but very few have a strategic plan that articulates criteria for ranking projects, and then so ranking them.

    I suggest that there are four broad strategic alternatives for investing community resources:

    • Knowledge creation. Basically, we’re talking schools, colleges, universities and research institutes.
    • Quality of life. For the most part, this category covers hospitals and health care, museums, the arts and the environment.
    • Safety net. Lending a helping hand to the poor and afflicted.
    • Social activism. Political agitation to bring about social and economic change by changing institutions rather than helping individuals directly.

    By funding one type of project over another, we are making strategic choices. Most citizens would agree that the community should provide some support for United Way-type projects to help orphans, battered women, the homeless, substance abusers and the like.

    Conversely, here in Virginia, there appears to be relatively little appetite for funding social activism. The prevailing ethic is that poor people should take responsibility for their own lives. Provide them a safety net if they fall, and give them the tools they need to succeed. Don’t waste time trying to change institutions. Other than the fact that I’d like to see an outpouring of community support for Bacon’s Rebellion — we’re all about fundamental change — I really don’t have a problem with this attitude.

    Speaking for the Richmond region, however, I do spot a significant imbalance. We provide far more attention to quality-of-life issues than knowledge-creation issues. Richmonders under-fund knowledge creation, especially scientific knowledge creation. Outside of VCU, the Ethyl research center (petroleum additives) and Philip Morris’s new corporate research center (tobacco and cigarettes), very little R&D takes place here. And Richmond will never become a world-class center of knowledge creation because only a handful of people are thinking seriously about the issue, and our civic resources are monopolized by the demands of quality-of-life organizations.

    Richmond has museums and performing arts groups out the wazoo. History is wonderful (I read historical tomes voraciously) and so are the arts. But does the region really need three major organizations — the Virginia Historical Society, the Valentine Museum and the Museum of the Confederacy, each competing for resources? Is that the statement we really want to make about ourselves: Our bodies may live in the 21st century but our hearts live in the 19th? If our strategic objective is to make Richmond attractive to the “creative class,” should we be investing so heavily in cultural institutions, as opposed to institutions of knowledge creation? Are we even investing in the right cultural institutions?

    I fully expect that many people will disagree with my priorities. But I hope everyone would agree that regions should develop criteria by which to articulate their priorities so they don’t squander their finite civic resources on projects of trivial value.


  • Words to Warm Your Heart — and Ignite the Rebellion

    In the depths of the cold, gloomy winter, there’s only one thing you can count on to set your hearts ablaze — not to mention the lord’s manors, the courthouses and debt records, and other symbols of oppression. The Bacon’s Rebellion e-zine! View the January 28, 2008, edition here.

    To make sure you never miss an issue, click here for a free subscription.

    Here’s our line-up of querulous commentary:

    Tomahawk Chop
    The departure of the R-Braves baseball team is no great loss to Richmond. Indeed, the region should take the tomahawk to other groups of marginal value and invest in institutions of knowledge creation.
    by James A. Bacon

    “They Played Us”
    Talking trash instead of transit, federal officials used a New York minute to suggest an end to Dulles Rail.
    by Doug Koelemay

    Who Killed Rail-to-Dulles?
    Many people share the blame for the collapse of the Rail-to-Dulles financing scheme. The feds are only the first in a long line of guilty parties.
    by EM Risse

    Lottery Options
    Virginia should consider leasing out rights to operate the state lottery. Privatization could generate a steady income stream, reducing risks of revenue variability.
    by Leonard C. Gilroy

    Baptists and Bootleggers
    When good intentions collide with self interest, self interest almost always wins. You can’t go wrong betting on politicians, whatever their high-minded principles, to do what’s expedient.
    by Norm Leahy

    A Matter of Exquisite Balance
    In a world where the only constant is change, the State Corporation Commission is the keeper of economic balance in Virginia. A judgeship is open, and I would like to fill it.
    by Barnie Day

    A Sensible Tax
    A 5-cent hike in Virginia’s gas tax as a way to fund transportation improvements is vastly preferable to the motley mash of taxes, fees and fines enacted last year.
    by James V. Koch

    Nice & Curious Questions
    Millions of Kilowatt Hours: Nuclear Power in Virginia
    by Edwin S. Clay III and Patricia Bangs


  • Rail to Dulles: The Finger Pointing Begins

    The Kaine administration is blasting the federal administrators who rejected $900 million in federal funding for the Rail-to-Dulles project, complaining that the Federal Transit Administration pulled an unexpected U-Turn. As Amy Gardner sums up the argument in the Washington Post:

    Federal transportation officials gave incremental approvals to the proposed Metrorail extension to Dulles International Airport on many of the same issues that they cited in rejecting it this week, according to letters, memos and interviews.

    At several points in the past two years, Federal Transit Administration officials said the project was doing fine on cost and construction management, according to the correspondence and phone calls with Virginia officials.

    But Thursday, the tone changed. FTA chief James S. Simpson declared the project unfit for federal funding. And he pointed to many of the issues that project officials and Virginia politicians had thought were settled and done with.

    FTA officials respond that the project backers misread their comments of encouragement. Furthermore, on the critical issue of the project’s cost, the Kaniacs failed to deliver proof of cost cuts before the FTA’s decision-making deadline. Who’s to blame for the miscommunication? I don’t know.

    But it is important to sort out responsibility for this fiasco. Virginia is on the hook for tens of millions of dollars of design and engineering costs that it could have saved had it not jumped the gun. The Kaine administration can’t be blamed for failing to salvage Dulles Rail because the project, under the current funding structure, is inherently unsalvageable. But the Kaniacs should be held to account for wasting those millions of dollars on design costs. How much was that number, by the way? Published figures do not say.

    I raised a warning flag back in November. (See “Damn the Torpedos, Full Speed Ahead!”) When it was reported that design work would begin on the project even without formal FTA approval, I asked, “Isn’t that risky? After all, the Federal Transit Administration has expressed significant reservations about the project. Federal funding, which would pay roughly 25 percent of the project cost, is hardly guaranteed.” Somehow, I got the message, and I’m nothing but a two-bit pundit. On the other hand, I was paying attention. Apparently those who were determined to push the project through were not.

    At the risk of repeating previous posts, it’s time to stop the finger pointing. This incarnation of Rail to Dulles is dead. The Kaine administration needs to dust itself off and start working on transportation alternatives for Tysons Corner and the Dulles corridor. There are alternatives, and there’s little time to waste.


  • Depreciation, Operating Deficits and Rail to Dulles

    James Simpson, the Federal Transit Administration honcho who axed federal funding for the Rail-to-Dulles project has explained his thinking to the Washington Examiner. There’s not much in the article that I didn’t cover yesterday in “Rail to Dulles Is Dead. Give It a Pauper’s Burial,” but it hits the highlights with greater clarity than I managed to do.

    Plus, Simpson does elaborate on his concerns about the ongoing financial viability of the Washington Metro system. Metro faces a $7 billion backlog of capital and maintenance needs, he says, that remain “unfunded and dire” — even without the additional commitments entailed by extending a heavy rail line to Dulles airport.

    That’s what happens to heavy rail systems: They depreciate. It’s not enough to raise the money to build them. It’s not enough to cover the annual operating deficits. You have to continue to invest in them or they fall apart. You can get away with under-funding for a few years, maybe even a couple of decades. But eventually the under-funding catches up with you.

    The entire debate over the Rail-to-Dulles revolved around finding the money to build the project. I have neither read nor heard anything about how much it will cost each year to fund the depreciation and operating deficits, much less who would pay for the shortfall. Has anyone made that calculation?

    Say what you will about road projects — the process of selecting where to build them is highly politicized, and they often reward developers while promoting dysfunctional human settlement patterns — but at least there is a mechanism in place in Virginia to pay for ongoing maintenance and operations. It’s called the gas tax. The maintenance backlog for Virginia’s roads, highways and bridges is not nearly as bad, apparently, as the backlog for Washington Metro.


  • Smart Growth Lobby Blasts Watkins Bill

    The Smart Growth lobby has reacted negatively to the impact-fee bill submitted by Sen. John Watkins, R-Powhatan, and backed by the home builder’s lobby. In a word, they think it … (starts with an “s” and rhymes with “bucks.”)

    SB768 would dismantle Virginiaโ€™s โ€œprofferโ€ system in which developers negotiate voluntary contributions to local infrastructure to offset the impact of their re-zonings, according to a press release distributed today under the name of five environmental and conservation groups. The bill would substitute a state-directed, capped, and technically complicated impact fee system, and increase home sellerโ€™s โ€œgrantorโ€™s tax.โ€

    โ€œWe see this bill as a tax increase on existing Virginia homeowners and taxpayers,โ€ said Stewart Schwartz, Executive Director of the Coalition for Smarter Growth. โ€œIt pushes even more of the costs of new development onto existing residents.โ€

    At the same time, the conservationists say, the bill would short-change local governments. Said Chris Miller, president of the Piedmont Environmental Council: โ€œCapped by the state, the fees would be far less than the current value of cash and in-kind proffers, and would be reduced by so many credits, that they would shrink to virtually nothing. Developers would also evade even these fees by developing in rural areas where impact fees cannot be imposed under this law.โ€

    Builders in Northern Virginia would pay on average only $8,000 per new single-family house, $6,000 per townhouse, and $4,000 per multifamily unit. Elsewhere in the state, payments would be $5,000, $3,750, and $2,500. While some local governments might be tempted because these fees would apply to existing โ€œby-rightโ€ zoning, the bill excludes subdivision plats and site plans that have been filed already.

    The impact fees wouldn’t come close to covering the cost of new infrastructure, and it would lead to “routine” rejection of Smart Growth developments, Schwartz said.

    So much for my insta-analysis in “Watkins Bill Would Revolutionize Impact Fees in Virginia” last Sunday. I overlooked the ludicrously low impact fee schedule in my first take. Still, there are attractive aspects to the bill, especially leveling the playing field between rezoned properties and by-right properties. I wonder if the bill might be salvageable by adjusting the impact fees higher to a number that the environmental lobby could live with.

    Update: The Virginia Association of Counties boils down the bill to its major constituent parts. Much easier than reading the bill itself. Click here to read the summary.


  • Rail to Dulles: What Comes Next?

    Let us hope the Kaine administration has enough sense not to try to revivify the corpse of the Rail-to-Dulles project. Time’s awasting. Traffic congestion in Tysons Corner and the Dulles corridor are only getting worse. It’s time to focus the conversation on what comes next.

    Broadly speaking, I see these alternatives:

    User Pays. Reconceptualize the Rail-to-Dulles project from scratch. Instead of looking to users of the Dulles Toll Road and the federal government for revenue, reboot the project as a “user/beneficiary pays” system. That means tapping the extraordinary increase in values that would accrue to property around the Metro stations. I laid out a methodology in May 2006: (1) Create Community Development Authorities that will issue bonds to cover the costs of the projects; (2) Pay off the bonds by means of a property tax surcharge in the CDA districts; (3) Recompense property owners for the higher tax by the presence of a Metro station and higher density development rights, both of which would increase the value of their property. (See “Rail Rip-Off” for details.)

    Bus Rapid Transit. Alternatively, build a mass transit system around BRT. Buses don’t drive land use changes and they won’t appeal to those who want to rebuild Tysons as a mixed-use, pedestrian-oriented district. But a BRT system would cost about one fifth of the Metro extension. This is the obvious fall-back position. It warrants a serious look.

    Either of the first two alternatives could be complemented by one or both of the following:

    Congestion pricing (Tysons). Create a congestion pricing authority in Tysons Corner, charging single-occupancy vehicles for entering the district. The price would vary by time of day, depending on the level of congestion. There would be two sets of benefits: (1) Tolls would encourage commuters to avail themselves of transportation alternatives; and (2) all funds collected by the tolls would be required by law to be reinvested inside the district: either for road construction, traffic light synchronization, BRT stations, Metro stations, traffic demand management programs or any other initiative that would increase transportation capacity or manage demand.

    Congestion pricing (Dulles corridor). Create a congestion pricing authority for the Dulles Toll Road, and replace the current flat tolls with congestion tolls. All funds collected by the tolls would be required by law to be reinvested inside the corridor. The money could be used to improve roads, synchronize traffic lights, support BRT or help pay for Metro in the corridor. As with the Tysons scenario, congestion tolls would both encourage changes in commuting behavior and provide a steady funding stream.

    I’m not advocating these options, merely pointing out that there are options to the Rail-to-Dulles project as currently conceived. It’s time to start talking about something that has a chance of happening.


  • Rail to Dulles Is Dead. Give It a Pauper’s Burial.

    The federal government will not provide critical funding for the Rail-to-Dulles heavy rail project, U.S. Department of Transportation officials announced yesterday, effectively killing the $5 billion extension of Metro rail along the Dulles corridor. The decision set off a round of caterwauling that could be heard all the way to Richmond by people who said they were surprised, nay, shocked, by the decision.

    Sen. John Warner is “livid,” according to one source quoted by Amy Gardner in the Washington Post. And Secretary of Transportation Pierce R. Homer is none too happy either. Said he: “Many of the issues that were raised today were heard for the first time by the congressional delegation, the governor and the project team, and that is disappointing.”

    Then there’s the Washington Post editorial page:

    To say that the FTA’s decision is a bolt from the blue is an understatement. Until a few weeks ago, officials representing the state, Metro and the regional airport authority believed, and say they had been told, that the plan was on track and likely to gain FTA approval by the end of January.

    But the only people who should be surprised are those who convinced themselves that federal officials would abandon all common sense and ignore the multitude of problems that have cropped up around the project. James S. Simpson, administrator of the Federal Transit Association enumerated sound reasons for denying the requested federal funds — many of which were noted in a report last summer by the DOT’s Office of Inspector General (See “Rail to Dulles: Off the Tracks?”), fueling a firestorm of public debate at that time.

    In a letter to Gov. Timothy M. Kaine, Simpson wrote that the project would receive a rating of medium-low under federal funding criteria. Oh, yeah, big surprise — to Washington Post editorial writers, maybe, but not to anyone else. The feds have made no secret that the project was marginal. That’s why state transportation officials have been desperately looking for ways to trim costs!

    But there’s more, a lot more. Wrote Simpson: “FTA is concerned that the cumulative risks and uncertainties that characterize the Dulles project in its current form are extremely likely to result in further cost escalation and schedule delays.” Gee, another big surprise — to anyone who doesn’t read Bacon’s Rebellion, or the Washington Examiner. We’ve been harping on precisely those concerns for a couple of years now.

    Now for the details:

    • Cost reductions. On Oct. 4, 2007, the FTA told the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority (MWAA), entasked with managing the rail project, that it required “commitments” for $250 million in cost reductions. By Jan. 17, 2008, however, the FTA had received notification of only $16.5 million in change orders and promises that Dulles Transit Partners, the contractor, was working on another $67.1 million. The FTA could not make its cost-benefit calculations on the basis of promises. It had to work with the facts in hand. The project didn’t make the cut.
    • Finances. FTA was concerned by the project’s “aggressive financial structure,” including extensive backloading of debt, optimistic revenue assumptions, and significant growth in costs for the Washington Metro transit system, of which the Rail-to-Dulles project would be a part.
    • Project risks. “The Project,” Simpson wrote, “is dependent on many and complicated inter-oprganizational management arrangements for Project design and implementation. MWAA … lacks experience with heavy rail construction and has limited experience with design-build contracts, raising serious questions about its ability to control project costs and schedule. … Early indications of potential inter-agency conflicts are already apparent in the Dulles project.”
    • Washington Metro. The Washington Metro, which would run the rail line once built, has its own massive problems. “Because WMATA faces significant, unresolved capital funding needs for maintaining the current system, the proposed extension to Metrorail may pose serious financial and operating challenges, and further strain the system as a whole.”

    Summarized Simpson: “The sheer number and magnitude of the current Project’s technical, financial and institutional risks and uncertainties are unprecedented for a candidate New Starts project — particularly one seeking nearly $1.5 billion in Federal participation (i.e. $900 million in New Starts funds and $580.4 million in a loan….)”

    The only surprise is that the Rail to Dulles project could have lurched along, a dead man walking, as long as it has. The people who should be ashamed are not those who put this nightmare out of its misery, but those who perpetuated its existence, squandering millions of dollars in the process, in the face of all evidence — stalling any meaningful conversation about alternatives for addressing the very real transportation needs of the Dulles corridor.

    (Hat tip to “Too Many Taxes” for forwarding a copy of the Simpson letter.)


  • Quote of the Day. But First, Cue the Banjos

    John Pierce, a Bristol resident and gun-rights activist, stepped into an elevator in the Capitol complex Monday and overheard a remark by Sen. Richard Saslaw, D-Springfield, the senate majority leader. The Bristol Herald-Courier quotes Pierce as follows:

    “He turns to his companion and says, โ€˜You can tell weโ€™re debating a gun bill today. Half the cast of “Deliverance” is in town.โ€™ “

    According to Washingtonpost.com, Saslaw responded to questions with the remark, “How do they know I was referring to them and not the other side? … Some of those people must have one hell of an inferiority complex.”

    Keep it up, Mr. Majority Leader, you’re digging yourself a deeper hole. Lucky for you, the people of Southwest Virginia don’t have a Rev. Al Sharpton to come down on you like he did on Don Imus. After a day or two of stories written by reporters who find the story more amusing than insulting, it’ll all die down and you’ll get a pass.

  • How Big Must Endowments Grow Before Universities Say They’re Big Enough?

    Every year the National Association of College and University Business Officers (NACUBO) compiles and ranks the endowments for higher educational institutions in the United States. Last year was a good year for investors, and higher ed endowments performed quite smartly.

    By my calculations, between fund raising campaigns and investment returns, endowments of all Virginia colleges and universities grew by nearly $1.7 billion last year, or 15.8 percent. That’s after accounting for what the endowments paid out to support university building and operations.

    (To view larger version of this table, click here.)

    Here’s my question: What are universities doing with that money — besides letting it pile up, I mean? As we all know, affordability is a major issue in higher education. One thing they’re NOT doing is making tuitions more affordable. Despite amassing ever bigger endowments, universities have been jacking up tuitions at a rate consistently higher than the Consumer Price Index.

    Colleges and universities raise money from alumni and other supporters because they can. They hike tuitions because they can. They coax more money from the General Assembly because they can. They’re not accountable to anyone.

    Take my alma mater, the University of Virginia for example. I love dear ol’ UVa dearly, and I take pride in its success. But look at the numbers. UVa increased the size of its endowment by more than $750 million last year! That compares to $190 million in state support budgeted for fiscal 2009. Look at it another way: That’s $36,700 for each of its 20,400 students! Can someone explain again why UVa had to boost its tuition this year by 8.3 percent this year? (See “What Would T.J. Say?“)


  • Economy Slows, Budget Tightens, Common Sense Displayed

    As the economy flirts with recession, Gov. Timothy M. Kaine has conceded that he needs to revise revenue forecasts downwards in the next two-year budget. He will present his new projections to the General Assembly money committees in February, reports Jeff Schapiro with the Times-Dispatch.

    Kaine’s decision validates criticisms that Republican legislators leveled in December against his previously announced spending plans, such as a $1.6 billion bond issue for higher education and an expansion of pre-K funding. The Governor’s revenue forecasts were too aggressive, they said, especially for fiscal 2010, the second year of the budget.

    While Virginia faces painful choices, our situation is nowhere near as dire as in some other states. According to Washington Post columnist Neal Peirce, of the 21 states that have already made estimates, 14 expect revenue shortfalls totalling $29 billion in the next fiscal year. In California, Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger proposes across-the-board cuts of 10 percent to nearly all programs, from K-12 education to public parks. To address New York’s looming $4 billion deficit, Gov. Eliot Spitzer is toying with the idea of securitizing future state lottery proceeds. In Massachusetts, Gov. Deval Patrick wants to count some $900 million in license fees from three new casinos that the legislature hasn’t even authorized yet. In New Jersey, Gov. Jon Corzine wants to issue up to $38 billion in bonds to be paid for by higher road tolls.

    We see our share of budget gimmickry here in Virginia — all worthy of mockery — but our lawmakers, both Republican and Democrat, are paragons of restraint compared to their peers in many other states. The appetites of our big-spending liberals are far more modest. Our fiscal conservatives have more backbone. It could be worse…. much worse.


  • Guns for Whackos? No way, Virginians Say

    And…. one more set of poll questions from CNU’s Center for Public Policy. The highest priority issue facing the General Assembly, according to Democrats and Republicans alike, is “changing the law to stop people with a history of mental health problems from purchasing guns.” Three out of four respondants gave issue that a “highest priority” rating.

    Number two on the list, with 68 percent rating it as a “highest priority”: “Require gun purchasers at gun shows to undergo the same background check required for guns purchased at gun shops.”

    Number three, scoring 54 percent: “Cracking down on businesses that employ illegal immigrants.”

    Poor Tim Kaine. The Governor’s proposal to expand funding for pre-K programs logged only 30 percent rating as a highest priority.


  • Virginians on Illegal Aliens: Cut Public Services – but Not Emergency Room Treatment

    More good stuff from CNU’s Center for Public Policy polling: Virginians harbor ambivalent sentiments about illegal immigrants. When asked if they favored cutting public services to undocumented workers, even children, 53 percent said yes. And 55 percent agreed that police should have the authority to stop any driver they suspected of being an illegal alien to check their legal status.

    But dig deep enough, and there are signs that Virginians have a heart: 75 percent opposed the idea of denying illegal immigrants access to emergency room care. And a solid majority — 58 percent — recoiled at the idea of deporting undocumented workers if it meant forcing them to leave U.S.-born citizen children behind. (That question was somewhat loaded: The Center might have gotten a different answer if it had asked whether people would favor deportation “even if it meant taking their U.S.-born children with them,” as opposed to assuming that the family had to be split up.)

  • Virginians to General Assembly: Cut Spending… And Start with Transportation

    Christopher Newport University’s Center for Public Policy asked Virginians how they thought the General Assembly should deal with the state’s revenue shortfall this year. The answers should warm the hearts of fiscal conservatives everywhere: 56 percent picked the response, “Cover the shortfall by reducing spending as much as needed but donโ€™t raise taxes and donโ€™t tap the Rainy Day Reserve Fund.”

    Gov. Tim Kaine’s approach — “reduce spending on some programs but continue to fund most programs at their current level by tapping the Rainy Day Reserve Fund” — received only 31 percent positives.

    And an audacious 9 percent responded, “Cover the budget shortfall with tax increases but donโ€™t touch the Rainy Day Reserve Fund.”

    And what programs would people cut?

    55 percent picked “transportation” as their first or second choice.
    41 percent chose, “social services to low-income Virginians”
    27 percent “public safety”
    18 percent “health care”
    16 percent “education”
    14 percent “all areas equally”
    19 percent, don’t cut anything

    Ladies and gentlemen of the legislature, you have your marching orders.


  • When Land Conservation and Sustainability Conflict

    Most people agree that creating a sustainable future means relying less upon cars and trucks and more upon trains. We can disagree on how we reach that future, but there is little dispute that passenger trains can carry people more energy efficiently than cars, and freight trains can move goods long distance more energy efficiently than trucks.

    Now comes Norfolk Southern Corp., which wants to expand existing railroad tracks through Warren county. The company, reports the NV Daily, wants to double a stretch of track so two trains can pass at the same time. To build a parallel track, the railroad needs to acquire a strip of land about 20 feet on average for a length of 15 miles.

    Here’s the problem: The land would include a 1.5-mile section between Ashby Station Road and Fairground Road in a conservation easement held by the Virginia Outdoors Foundation. And some people have a problem with that.

    A representative from Scenic 340, which aims to preserve the rural character of U.S. 340, expressed opposition to the expansion during the county Board of Supervisors meeting last week. “To take land under easement must be an absolute last resort,” said Bentonville resident Jim Guy. “While we support the railroad’s efforts to remove traffic on the roads, we do not support this application.”

    Do you ever get the feeling that the requirements of contemporary civilization are getting so complex and that so many groups and institutions have conflicting interests that it may be impossible to get anything done?


  • There’s a Right Way and Wrong Way to Get Rid of Gene Nichol. This is the Wrong Way.

    Del. Robert Marshall, R-Prince William, is tweaking liberal noses again. This time the object of his outrage has nothing to do with sex (except indirectly, if you consider this). He has submitted a bill that would require the College of William & Mary to have a majority of its 17-seat board of trustees elected by alumni, not appointed by the Governor. Reports the Daily Press:

    Marshall’s proposal calls for the next nine members whose terms expire to be replaced by members elected by alumni. He said he modeled it after Dartmouth College’s governing board system, which includes members elected by alumni.

    Said Marshall: “A board composed mostly of alumni would be on top of things a little better because they’d have an emotional tie to their alma mater.”

    Predictably, the W&M administration disagreed: Michael K. Powell, the college’s rector and a 1985 alumnus, responded that “alumni are a critical constituency and letting them have some input in the selection process has merit. … But I do not think having a set number of seats controlled exclusively by one segment of the college community is wise or workable.”

    I’m no more a fan of W&M President Gene Nichol than Marshall. I, too, would like to see the guy run out of town on a rail. But I’m not sure that letting politicians tinker with the university’s governance structure is the answer. If a conservative Republican governor were making the appointments, I suspect Marshall would be perfectly happy with things the way they are. Governance structures should be based on underlying principles, not political expediency.