Virginia has always struck me as a lawyer-heavy state, perhaps because of its tendency to worship the legal profession. The late Supreme Court Justice Lewis Powell seems to be revered more than any artist, scientist or other creative type.
Add to that lobbyists.
Indeed, Richmond seems to be quite heavy in the lobbying department and many of these folk are, of course, lawyers. Take a look downtown. the logo of the McGuire Woods law and lobbying shop dominates on skyscraper while the logo of a competitor, Williams Mullen will be on a new tower under construction.
Because it is the political and (arguably at least) the business capital of the state, Richmond wields more overall clout in influence peddling than say, Annapolis or Raleigh. It may not be on a par with Atlanta, but it’s up there.
And now that it is General Assembly time and a new governor and the other party are in charge of the governorship, the lobbyists are quite busy. For more, took at the story I wrote for Style Weekly this week.
The revolving doors are whirring like turbine blades in a jet engine:
“As the governorship of Republican Bob McDonnell gains steam, the tectonic plates are once again shifting along lobbyist-thick Cary and Main streets downtown. Eric J. Finkbeiner, once a power broker for former Gov. George Allen, is leaving McGuireWoods to be McDonnell’s policy chief. Former Virginia Beach Del. Terri Suit is leaving Williams Mullen to become the new governor’s homeland security maven. Former Republican attorney general and unsuccessful gubernatorial candidate Jerry Kilgore is leaving Williams Mullen for McGuire Woods as is Christopher R. Nolen, who worked for Kilgore in the attorney general’s office. Preston Bryant, Kaine’s secretary of natural resources, is also joining McGuire Woods. Meanwhile, outgoing Attorney General Bill Mims is moving over to giant law firm Hunton and Williams.”
The go-to shop for the new Republican era is McGuire Woods, which has long had political ties, including several former governors as partners. Losing out appears to be Williams Mullen, which saw Nolen, Kilgore and Suit defect in a little more than a week’s time. One firm spokesman put it succinctly, “We are in a state of disarray around here.”
A few other trends in the advocacy world:
- Younger legislators don’t like to be wined and dined the way their predecessors did. There are still outings, but the “Pinehurst Invitational” to the lovely golf resort in the Carolina Sandhills appears to be a thing of the past. It was favored three decades ago by such lawmaking luminaries as A.L. Philpott.
- Lobbyists say they can be of most value by offering straight dope on complex matters. I buy this insight since many lobbyists are actually honest folk who do represent a point of view for pay, but so do lawyers. Being good at gathering info can help.
- Virginia’s Amateur Hour legislature that has to get things done in 60 days while legislators hold down day jobs means that lobbyists have to be extra flexible.
- In this era of Tweets and Twitters, many lawmakers would rather get their info in a text message rather than having to spend “face time” with a lobbyist.
- Lobbying is morphing into boutique shops and firms that do extensive data mining and fund raising. Common Cause says that mixing lobbying with fundraising is a legislative catnip that is extremely dangerous.
My article notes that despite Richmond’s growing sophistication as an advocacy center, the Average Joes tend to get left out. Consumer and environmental activists sure felt this way when utility giant Dominion pushed through a complicated bill to re-regulate electricity three years ago. They managed this impressive feat even though the Assembly was in a short 45 day session.
You do have to ask, though, why it is so easy for top-ranking state officials to breeze in and out of lobby shops. Elected officials can’t lobby their old posts for one year but non-officials can. And, Virginia has an anything goes system where’s there’s no limit on gifts or contributions but they have to be reported. The claim is that by having no limits, you avoid corruption because if you get a lot, everyone knows it. And, unlike states such as Illinois, Virginia does not have much of a history of indicted and convicted public officials.
Perhaps, but you do have to wonder about a former secretary in the state government or a deputy attorney general easing over to a lobby job paying maybe in the mid six figures the day after the offices change. There may be no Rod Blagoevichs here. But is this Virginia’s idea of public service?
Peter Galuszka
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