• A Brief Hiatus from our Usual Blogging

    Well, Baconauts, I find myself in sunny Augusta, Ga. — except it’s not very sunny around 8 a.m. this morning: The town is covered with a thick fog. Anyway, I’m here to observe what has become one of the nation’s largest sporting events. At its peak, up to 150,000 people will crowd the fairways to watch a procession of middled-aged white guys — plus Tiger Woods — swing long sticks at little balls.

    I’ve never played a single round of golf, and at 55 years old, I don’t intend to begin. I’m here because my wife likes golf and in a fit of madness bid on some tickets at the Collegiate school auction — and won. As ignorant as I am of the sport, I doubt I will have anything useful to say. If you want insight into the tournament, turn on the television!


  • Our Energy Future: Subsidies, Incentives and Regulatory Obstruction

    There are some interesting tidbits buried in Greg Edwards’ story in the Times-Dispatch today about a Washington, D.C., conference on nuclear power. One of the panelists was Eugene Grecheck, Dominion’s Vice President for nuclear development.

    • Dominion would never have proposed building a highly controversial coal-burning plant in Wise County purely on the technical merits of the location. As Edwards paraphrases him, the decisive factor was “General Assembly support for the plant and incentives state lawmakers had offered a company willing to build a plant in the state’s coal fields.” Bacon’s Bottom Line: It’s all about the pork, baby!
    • Among all the electric utilities applying to build new nuclear power plants in the United States, Dominion Virginia Power is likely to be the very first to get the go-ahead. Grecheck based that appraisal on a permitting schedule posted on the Nuclear Regulatory Commission’s website. BBL: Has anyone calculated how economically competitive the nuclear plant would be without federal subsidies?
    • Other than the Wise County plant, another coal plant is not an option for Dominion Virginia Power “because of the economics of building a coal facility and the permitting difficulties.” BBL: Translation: The environmentalist foes of the Wise County project have done their job well. Who wants to lay odds that their next target is the nuclear plant?

    Final question: Is it even possible to build energy sources in this country any more without economic signals distorted by subsidies, incentives or obstructionists? Do we even know which the most economical energy sources are?


  • Kaine Plots Transportation Strategery

    Gov. Timothy M. Kaine has met with top Democratic lawmakers and his personal pollster to talk transportation. According to Jeff Schapiro’s report in the Times-Dispatch, the governor is seeking “a transportation solution that is simple, statewide and sufficient to meet our transportation needs.”

    Oh, boy, we’re in big trouble.

    The idea that there is a “simple” solution to Virginia’s transportation needs is a non-starter. If there were a “simple” solution, someone in the 50 states or the dozens of industrialized nations around the world would have found it. Transportation systems are inseparable from human settlement patterns, global energy economics, demographics and governance structures. They are among the most complex systems known to man.

    In this case, “simple” is a code word for a simple-to-administer tax. I can only conclude that the governor is leaning towards a hike in the statewide gasoline tax, or possibly a hike in the state sales tax.

    Now, I’m a big proponent of the gasoline tax as a funding mechanism for road and highway maintenance — the gasoline tax is indeed a simple, statewide and sufficient solution for that particular purpose. I might even be prevailed upon to raise gasoline taxes enough to ensure that Virginia has sufficient state matching dollars to qualify for full federal transportation funding. But I oppose gasoline taxes as a mechanism for financing new road construction. Let us remind ourselves of two things:

    • The transportation “crisis” is not a statewide phenomenon. It is limited mainly to Northern Virginia and Hampton Roads (although, given the accelerating spread of dysfunctional human settlement patterns in the smaller metro areas, it could well become a “crisis” elsewhere in a decade or two). It makes no sense to raise taxes statewide to solve regional problems. One of two things will happen: Either (a) regions outside NoVa and HR will wind up taxing more and building more than they really need, with lots of money dumped into projects of dubious value or (b) excess funds money will be transferred to NoVa and HR from the rest of the state.
    • In the absence of Fundamental Change, pouring more money into a broken system will not “fix” the problem. It will propel the old jalopy a few more miles down the road, at which point it will be obvious that it’s still broken, and the politicians will be crying for another round of taxes.
    • There is no protection against the General Assembly raiding raid the Transportation Trust Fund (TTF) to pay for non-transportation priorities, as it has done in the past. Gov. Kaine has totally dropped the ball on his campaign promise to pass a constitutional amendment to protect the TTF. Heck, he hasn’t dropped the ball. He’s spiked the ball in the safety zone and done a victory dance!

    We know what is needed: a user-pays system for financing roads, sweeping reforms to land use, a mechanism to coordinate transportation and land use planning, and a restructuring of the powers of state and municipal government. Without Fundamental Change, we’re just spending more money, we’re not “solving” anything.


  • Part Two on SuperCapitalism

    In the first installment of Supercapitalism Redux I listed what I thought were Robert Reichโ€™s key correct findings. Here are my suggestions on what we should do in Virginia about those findings for the common good in the Commonwealth.

    Everyone has more money and stuff than 30 years ago. Our American poor are richer, materially, than they were three decades ago. They are considerably poorer, spiritually and in quality of life, than the poor from the 70 years ago โ€“ because of the destruction of the family.

    Yet, the middle class has thinned out considerably. The squeeze increased the number of upper middle class and wealthy (is rich a better term?) folks. Likewise, the number of lower middle class people increased. If these folks donโ€™t get new competitive skills or go into business, successfully, for themselves, they will not progress to the middle class. Ever.

    What to do for the people at the bottom economically?

    First, donโ€™t destroy capital. Reich agreed (p. 4) that โ€œCapitalismโ€™s role is to enlarge the economic pie.โ€ Build capital. Build capital as fast as it can โ€“ grow the economy just shy of cross-over point of inflation. Tax capital once โ€“ period.

    The 3% growth in total tax burden in Virginia since the 70s means about $157 a month for the median family (earning $51k in ROVa and more in NoVa). Lower personal taxes.

    Expand the supply of energy, as much as Virginia can, to lower the price. The cost of rising oil prices destroys the discretionary income – and even pushes into mortgage failure – too many working families. Build the double refinery capacity at Yorktown, build new nukes, build sea-based tide and windmills, etc.

    Provide individual supported by community, not government, opportunities for the big expenses โ€“ health, retirement, job insecurity, and education โ€“ that will break marginal income families. I wrote in Baconโ€™s Rebellion about Commonwealth Trust Accounts for lifelong individual savings. Return the bogus $1.5 B sales tax increase (2004) into individual accounts ($200 @)) for all 7 million Virginians. Give generous tax cuts for folks who contribute to other folksโ€™ accounts.

    Elect Representatives and Senators to the Federal government who will morph Social Security into individual, personal accounts. Elect politicians who will morph Medicare, Medicaid and the drug benefits into sustainable health insurance accounts. But, donโ€™t wait for the Federal government to reform to take action in Virginia.

    The social pathologies that plague families of every income canโ€™t be solved by government. Government shouldnโ€™t promote the pathologies, like welfare did.

    Coming up nextโ€ฆwhat to do about corporate excesses.


  • The Elliston Intermodal Facility: Institutional Gridlock?

    Norfolk Southern wants to build a $35.5 million intermodal facility in Montgomery County to transfer shipping containers from trucks to rail in an initiative that could remove 150,000 trucks a year from Virginia’s highways. Not only that, but the project could create as many as 2,900 jobs over a 14-locality area from Radford to Lynchburg, generate hundreds of millions of dollars in economic activity, and plunk down between $17 million and $71 million in taxes.

    Wow, sounds like a winner. The project relieves traffic congestion. It’s good for the environment. It creates jobs in a section of the state where unemployment is still a problem. And it adds to the tax base. What’s not to like?

    Well, apparently residents of the Elliston area, where the transfer center would be located, are worried that the project will adversely impact their quality of life by increasing traffic and noise, and degrading air and water quality. Now, Montgomery County, which endorsed the project in 2006, opposes it. (See coverage in the Roanoke Times and Times-Dispatch.)

    There are two ways to approach problems like this. One way is to fight bitterly, refusing to yield an inch. The other way is to seek reasonable compromises in pursuit of the common good. I don’t know which path the people of Elliston will follow, but the situation does not look positive. Maybe Gov. Timothy M. Kaine, who is trying to organize a regional meeting, can pull off a deal that makes everyone happy.

    The residents of Montgomery County would do well to talk to the Piedmont Environmental Council, which backs the construction of new railroad sidings in Fauquier County. The rail link between Manassas and Front Royal is “the major chokepoint” on Norfolk Southern’s New York-to-Texas corridor, according to an article in the Spring 2008 Piedmont View. The residents of Fauquier are just as concerned about the impact of increased rail traffic as the residents of Montgomery County — this is the region, remember, where citizens are fighting a proposed high-voltage transmission line tooth and nail — but they are displaying a very different attitude.

    The PEC acknowledges the public benefits of shifting container traffic from truck to rail. A train can haul one ton of freight up to five times further than a truck on the same amount of fuel, while emitting only a third as much carbon dioxide. Additionally, as the Piedmont View quotes The Plains resident Megan Gallagher, rail yards are “so much less destructive than a 500-foot roadbed with hundreds of thousands of vehicles.”

    Accordingly, PEC has chosen to work with Norfolk Southern to craft an outcome acceptable to piedmont residents. Priorities include:

    • Helping landowners get a fair deal in negotiations with the railroad
    • Reducing noise by adding gates at road crossings so that trains don’t have to blow their whistles
    • Diverting construction away from land under conservation easement, where possible
    • Offsetting the loss of conserved land through the protection of nearby properties of comparable size

    Let us all hope that the residents of Elliston take such a constructive approach.

    Update: The Roanoke Times reports that the state might have to contribute more money than originally thought to the project: an additional $10 million to $15 million to build the “Ironto Connector” between the rail yard and Interstate 81.

    (Map credit: Adapted from “Answers.com.” Blue dots show approximate location of proposed Montgomery County and Fauquier Count facilities.)


  • Does This Go On My Permanent Record?

    Re: Supercapitalism: The Transformation of Business, Democracy and Everyday Life by Robert B. Reich.

    Jim Bacon asked his writers to read and report on this book by former Clinton cabinet official, Robert B. Reich. Here is my homework in several installments.

    Reich describes the changes in America, and across the world, caused by the transformation from the Industrial Era to the Information Era. And, for the Third World from the Agrarian Era to the Industrial and Information Era at the same time. His findings of economic trends and facts, believe it or not, were the basic same things predicted by the long range study (the last of the Army 21 studies) I lead in 1990-92 for the period 2005-2015.

    Interestingly enough, our study said the key to the future, domestically and abroad, was โ€œthe political perception of economic change.โ€ And, that a โ€œGandhi with gunsโ€ could articulate the grievances of the Have Nots as a cultural identity issue.

    Consequently, I reject Reichโ€™s dichotomy of Democracy vs. Supercapitalism (Reichโ€™s name for the new phase of economics). Every โ€˜governmentโ€™ that makes rules, executes rules and adjudicates rules from the tiniest tribe to the greatest civilization โ€“ ever – has its hands in the economy.

    One of the best courses I took in grad school #1 was โ€œGovernment and Business in a Mixed Economyโ€ taught by the late Dick Darman and Roger Porter. The course showed how intertwined government and the business are. Was, are, is and will be โ€“ forever. So, I reject Reichโ€™s basic assumption. Yet, many of his findings were spot on. Those that werenโ€™t, Iโ€™ll just ignore for now.

    His findings include the following items Iโ€™d agree are valid:
    โ€ข Widening inequality in incomes
    โ€ข Reduced job security
    โ€ข Plethora of products and services appealing to our basest desires
    โ€ข Large companies spend on lobbyists, lawyers, experts, public relations specialists and donations to โ€˜drownโ€™ out the voices and values of citizens

    The result is โ€œAmericans are losing confidence in democracyโ€ (Reichโ€™s word for our government).

    Also, the GDP grew threefold (300%) from 1973 to 2006 โ€“ adjusted for inflation.

    Productivity grew by 80%.

    CEO incomes went from 66 times the โ€˜typicalโ€™ worker (1968) to 900 times the โ€˜typicalโ€™ worker (2005).

    And, ta da, the gains in real income from 1974 to 2004 are by quintile

    Lowest 5th โ€“ 2.8%, 2nd lowest โ€“ 12.9%, middle โ€“ 23.3%, 2nd highest โ€“ 34.9%, and highest โ€“ 61.6%.

    Chew on those finding fellow Virginians. Iโ€™ll post in another installment what I think are better answers of โ€œwhat must be doneโ€ than Reichโ€™s. IMHO.


  • Responding to McSweeney et al

    It looks like Norm Leahy is not the only one who wants to take a swat at the “Conservative Transportation Alternative” signed by Patrick McSweeney and other conservative activists. A former contributor to Bacon’s Rebellion, who must go unnamed, was so riled up by the “Alternative,” that he submitted a rebuttal. It was substantive enough that I thought it warranted its own post on the blog. So, here goes… (–Jim Bacon)

    Responding to the McSweeney, et. al. “Conservative Transportation Alternative” Paper.

    The first overall comment is that the authors completely ignore 20 years of inflation. You would think 2007 and 1986 dollars were the same in purchasing power or in economic cost to the taxpayer. The authors know better than this, of course, but adjusting figures for inflation would undermine their premise that transportation spending has soared from $1.2 billion in 1986 to $4 billion last year. In reality, per capita, adjusted for inflation, state transportation funding has barely risen. And as has been well documented, construction funds are dropping.

    JLARC’s most recent state spending report has a chart on actual expenditures (Appendix E) that shows state transportation spending rising 160 percent (in unadjusted dollars) from 1986-2007. In the same period total state spending rose 310 percent, education spending rose 275 percent and individual and family services spending rose 326 percent. Transportation spending has been flat since 2002 at $3.4 billion per year. (That is in actual dollars, meaning that real spending declined 2002-2007.) The infusions of General Fund money the authors cite have left us, like Aliceโ€™s Queen, running faster to stay in the same place.

    The second major comment is specific and goes to the heart of the debate…. (click on “comments” to read the rest of this missive.)

    Update: Pat McSweeney has written extended remarks in response to this post. Click on “comments” and scroll down to the 12th comment (12:54 p.m.) to read them.


  • Chesterfield Looks at TND Zoning

    It was probably the shortest staff-written article in the Sunday Times-Dispatch, and I can’t even find it posted online, but the story headlined “New zoning district proposed” may be the most significant article in the newspaper yesterday. Chesterfield County, long the poster child for dysfunctional land use patterns in the Richmond metro region, is getting close to creating a Traditional Neighborhood Development zoning category.

    The zoning category would streamline the application and approval process for New Urbanism-style development, writes Wesley P. Hester, by putting a single label on what now requires a complex mix of zoning categories. And just in time, too, because many of the big new projects proposed for Chesterfield, the fastest growing jurisdiction in the Richmond region, are built around mixed uses, traditional city blocks with alleyways, and pedestrian-friendly streetscapes. The more development that takes the form of TND neighborhoods, as opposed to the old helter-skelter development, the better off the county and its residents will be.

    As I’ve long argued in this blog, TND development in well-planned projects makes far more efficient use of land and infrastructure than scattered, single-use development. Of course, the new zoning category is only a first step on a long road to recovery for Chesterfield, which has smeared growth inefficiently over a vast expanse of territory — and continues to see growth gravitate to the metropolitan edge toward the recently constructed U.S. 288. Even so, good development in the wrong location beats bad development in the wrong location. If approved, the measure will represent progress of a sort.


  • Swatting the Hornet’s Nest

    I told Jim when I sent him the draft copy for my latest column that it might generate some vigorous discussion. Good soul that he is, my editor replied that while the writing was good, the conclusions were off base. This pleased the contrarian in me no-end.

    In part it’s because I take issue with the Conservative Transportation Alternative, which made a minor splash a few days ago. What a great idea — bold, daring, and with graphs, too! It can’t be bad, right?

    But is this really a conservative document? Many of the folks (some of whom I know and respect) who signed on to it are conservatives, even libertarians. The title says it is conservative. And here and there are strains of conservative orthodoxy (Barnie Day’s “dog whistles”). But the conclusions they reach (or at least those the paper’s writer reaches) strike me as not conservative at all, but more along the lines of a central planner — one who seems to think that homes breed people and roads create cars…who thinks that controls are essential, because individuals simply cannot be trusted to make their own decisions…and who ultimately believes that these same people are an increasing inconvenience to both bureaucrats and their budgets.

    Is that conservative? Eh…no.

    Now bring on the brickbats.


  • Creating a New Segregation

    The Valentine Richmond History Center is to be commended for its new exhibit that opened April 4, โ€œBattle for the City: The Politics of Race 1950s-1970s.โ€ This modest show (the size of one big room), has the usual materials โ€“ a Ku Klux Klan robe, pictures of sit ins by young African-Americans and displays of school segregation.

    Whatโ€™s truly interesting in the show is that it takes pains to explain how the most densely populated and, in some cases, the most culturally rich African-American neighborhoods were ripped apart by new toll roads planned by the white establishment because that was the trend in land use planning (or โ€œhuman settlement patternsโ€ if you are so inclined).

    As many as 7,000 African-Americans โ€“ 10 percent of the cityโ€™s total black population –were forced from their homes from 1955 to 1957 to make way for the Richmond Petersburg Turnpike, now Interstate 95. The Downtown Expressway forced another 900 mostly black residents from their homes later.

    To be sure, building big new expressways in city centers was the favorite mode for land use planning at the time. But it served to re-segregate Richmond, foster unwieldy suburban sprawl and exacerbate racial tensions that are still being felt today. See column โ€œCreating a New Segregation.โ€

    Peter Galuszka


  • How to Build a Village

    Claude Lewenz, an American-turned Kiwi, has written a fascinating book, “How to Build a Village,” in which he envisions how to build a small community — a “village” of some 5,000 to 10,000 people — that is prosperous, environmentally sustainable and enables a high quality of life. On Waiheke Island, outside Auckland, on the far side of the world, Lewenz has elaborated many of the same principles propounded on this blog. He offers a capitalist, market-driven alternative to Business As Usual.

    The central feature of the Lewenzian village is this: It has no cars or trucks. Within the village perimeter, people get about by walking, bicycling or using small electric vehicles. To many, the idea will sound ludicrous. But drawing upon real-world examples of Medieval Italian cities and Greek island villages, Lewenz makes an intriguing case. He would organize his villages around Italianate plazas and link them with pedestrian streets and lanes of various widths; cars, to be used only for travel outside the village, would be banished to a garage on the village edge.

    The scheme would work because getting rid of the cars eliminates the need for the vast apparatus of streets, highways and parking lots that consume so much urban space. As a result, everything is closer together. Thus, trips are shorter. (As a bonus, Lewenz envisions using the savings in asphalt to invest in underground utilities, recycling and waste systems, organizing and promoting locally grown foods, and other village enterprises.)

    While Lewenz sees his village located in the countryside, demarcated by a village wall from the fields and woods (what Ed Risse would call a “clear edge”), he acknowledges that variations of the auto-free zone could be applied in urban environments through in-fill and re-development projects. Just imagine the impact in Virginia if our major metropolitan areas developed strings of car-free villages, linked by arterial roads and mass transit, in which some 50 percent to 80 percent of all “trips” took place on foot or on bicycle.

    As Lewenz notes, America already has large car-free zones. We just don’t realize it. We cover them with roofs and call them malls. We just need to make them bigger: integrating shops with houses, offices, public buildings and other amenities…. and removing the roof.

    In “First, Shoot All the Cars,” I focus mainly on how a Lewenzian village would function without cars, but I allude to many of his other ideas for building more livable, sustainable communities. If you find the column intriguing, buy the book. It is lavishly illustrated with color photographs from Lewenz’s travels around the world — well worth the hefty purchase price.


  • Wreaking Havoc upon Complacency and Torpor

    The Bacon’s Rebellion e-zine publishes again. The April 7, 2008, edition skewers the forces of ignorance and lethargy. Check it out at db4.dev.baconsrebellion.com. Don’t miss a single issue — sign up for your free subscription here.

    We’ve got a great line-up this week:

    First, Shoot All The Cars

    While Virginians seem hell bent upon raising taxes and building roads, Ameri-kiwi Claude Lewenz envisions a different path to a superior quality of life: Auto-free villages.

    by James A. Bacon


    Newseum
    The D.C. attraction opening this week celebrates freedom of the press, the rise of the news and the decline of the newspaper.

    by Doug Koelemay


    Space to Drive and Park

    Cars consume huge amounts of space for roads and parking, which disaggregates human settlement patterns, co-opts transportation alternatives, and… increases dependence upon cars.

    by EM Risse


    Two Spheres of Fraud

    While the media salivates over the subprime lending fiasco, journalists are overlooking the main reason why Americans can’t afford housing: the building of the wrong kind of housing in the wrong places.

    by EM Risse


    How to Save $1 Billion Without Even Trying

    Think Virginia lawmakers are serious about restraining state government spending? Consider this: Simply freezing 7,627 vacant positions could have saved $1 billion in the next two-year budget!

    by Mike Thompson


    You Call This Conservative?

    A self-proclaimed “conservative” transportation plan appears to be animated by the conviction that Virginians really don’t know what’s good for them. When did conservatives become central planners?

    by Norm Leahy


    Creating a New Segregation

    When Richmond combined Jim Crow with urban planning in the 1940s, the result was expressways, the destruction of African-American neighborhoods and white flight.

    by Peter Galuszka


    Reaching the Promised Land

    In his lifetime, Martin Luther King empowered African-Americans. By his death, he stimulated Southern, evangelical whites to search their hearts and embrace all children of God.

    by James Atticus Bowden


    Nice & Curious Questions

    Bottled Poetry: Wine Trails of Virginia

    by Edwin S. Clay III and Patricia Bangs


  • African-American Churches as Entrepreneurial Agents of Social Change

    Rydell Payne runs the nonprofit Charlottesville Abundant Life Ministries, and he has a plan to lift up poor African-Americans living in the city. He wants to develop three acres of Woodlands off Prospect Street, building about 20 residential units in single-family homes and duplexes, a multi-purpose educational and vocational center, and perhaps some retail space for a coffee shop or launderette. The “Prospect College” would provide job training and financial literacy courses, and possibly include some dormitory rooms.

    Abundant Life was formed as an alliance of local church members and neighborhood residents. The organization has raised $100,000 on its own, and hopes to gain access to $67,000 in federal funds through the City of Charlottesville. The organization also is partnering with Habitat For Humanity to build some of the houses, and the ambitious Payne has held discussions with the Virginia Employment Commission about opening a satellite office there and hopes Piedmont Virginia Community College can offer workforce development and job training courses as well.

    Churches appear to be the main institution in inner city neighborhoods that African-Americans rally around. Not-for-profits such as Abundant Life Ministries are the leading agents of enterpreneurial action. The poor and working class people who participate in this project will gain far more than places to live — they’ll gain skills it takes to succeed in the world… Not just the formal skills that can be taught in a classroom, as important as they are, but the organizational skills to set goals, raise money and execute projects.

    Building communities from the bottom up through projects like this will accomplish far more to lift inner-city African Americans out of poverty than well-meaning but bureaucratic anti-poverty programs out of the Great Society mold that breed passivity and dependency. Let us wish Mr. Payne the best of fortune in his endeavors.

    (Read Seth Rosen’s story in the Charlottesville Daily Progress. Photo Credit: Charlottesville Daily Progress.)


  • We Don’t Need No Models

    The meeting the Hampton Roads/Tidewater members of the General Assembly had with the HRTA folks yesterday in at the state-funded Suffolk modeling and simulation facility held an interesting moment.

    I got an email telling how it was revealed that the funds to model Hampton Roads traffic were cut from the budget. So, multi-billion dollar decisions are made on the basis of the bogus analysis I read back in 2002. Even that flawed work projected that building the big projects dreamed up in 1997 – pour concrete, pour concrete, pour concrete – would actually INCREASE congestion when they were completed in 20 years or so.

    Oops.

    We don’t need no stinking models to make decisions. Do we?

    Speaking of which, guess which Commonwealth doesn’t have a econometric model of its state economy?

    I’ve been referred to a spread sheet model which is a modification of one made for Texas about a decade ago. I saw that one. Is there another out there?

    I suggested to my Delegate to put the money in the budget for our public universities to put together a consortium to develop a very good model of our economy. It would help to analyze spending and taxing options. Didn’t happen.


  • Ban the HOV Lane, Build a 200-Foot Bridge

    Our old friend Philip Shucet, former commissioner of the Virginia Department of Transportation, has resurfaced with some ideas about transportation funding priorities in Hampton Roads. Shucet, who is now the chief development officer for the Dragas Companies in Virginia Beach, was asked to submit his thoughts to a group of Hampton Roads lawmakers looking for solutions to the region’s transportation needs. (See the Virginian-Pilot story here, and read Shucet’s statement here.)

    Shucet defends funding the controversial Third Crossing on the grounds that it is an economic engine for the Hampton Roads region and the state, and he endorses a quick start on the mid-town tunnel between Norfolk and Portsmouth. But most interesting were a couple of outside-the-box proposals:

    • Remove the HOV lane on Interstate 264. “Based on the most recent data I have seen,” he writes, “use of the HOV lanes varies from less than 3% to a maximum of 7% of the vehicles on I-264 during the peak periods. … Somewhere between 3% and 7% of the traffic is using some 20% of the capacity.” Allowing anyone to use those restricted lanes is quick, easy way to add capacity to I-264.
    • Build a 200-foot bridge instead of a bridge tunnel. Instead of adding two lanes to the Hampton Roads Bridge Tunnel, as some have suggested, consider building a four-lane bridge tall enough for U.S. Navy vessels to pass under. A four-lane bridge would offer twice the added capacity, possibly at a lower total life-cycle cost. Writes Shucet, who adds that many aspects of this idea need a closer look, “I believe a bridge 200 feet above the main channel could be constructed without the deck violating the clear zone requirement for aircraft.”