• HEY LARRY!

    To Larry Gross:

    You often make observations or ask questions that raise important issues so I try to respond to them when I have the opportunity. (See Postscript) In the comments following “Freight Rail: The Robust Transport Mode” you commented:

    “I have to admit that what I get out of EMRโ€™s logic seems to be that we should not be buying light bulbs from China but instead (from) a local industry…

    and that world trade of goods is inherently wasteful and the correct answer is to produce goods locally [NB: “local” and thus “locally” is a Core Confusing Word โ€“ produce goods (and services) Regionally] instead of importing them from afar…

    If so.. it’s a pretty provocative concept and like Peter … I’d be bamfoozled…. so.. either I don’t understand or EMR’s ideas about land-use extend to commerce/trade/economics, etc.”

    Larry, I am sorry to bamfoozle you! Here is a simple answer:

    If all the location-variable costs were fairly allocated and citizens were really serious about maintaining (?recreating? / ?really creating for the first time?) a democracy with a market economy, then it would be less expensive and serve the overarching goal of a sustainable trajectory for contemporary civilization to buy the light bulbs made in the Region, rather than the ones made in China.

    There is a relatively simple reason for this:

    Trade vs Import Replacement.

    In a nutshell Trade benefits those at the top of the economic food chain while Import Replacement benefits everyone in the “place” where commerce is focused. At this point we call this “place” a “Region.”

    Benefiting the majority of those in any Region is a prerequisite for commerce in creating and sustaining a democracy with a market economy.

    Since most economists are supported directly or indirectly by the denizens and agents of Trade, you have to dig a bit to understand the importance of this distinction.

    A good place to start is Jane Jacobsโ€™ book The Economy of Cities (1969 ). Since the book was not written by a card-carrying economist it is not often cited. (Planners do not often cite her Life and Death of Great American Cities either :>)

    As we point out in The Shape of the Future Chapter 19 Box 2 โ€“ “Evolution of the Marketplace” โ€“ Jacobsโ€™ book establishes a framework for considering Trade vs Import Replacement. (As we also point out in Chapter 3 Box 3, our only problem with her book is the use of “cities” in the title. Think how much more useful her book had been if it were titled “The Economy of Regions.”)

    What one calls a “place” is very important. Over the past 8,000 years the “place” that has benefited from Trade has morphed from:

    The compound of the chief / trader in a trading Village; to

    The favored sector of the earliest “cities” (Ur, Choga Mami, Tell Brak, Hama, et. al.); to

    The well-to-do quarter of the capital of the trading empire; to

    The Zentrum of the most successful trading city-state; to

    The financial districts in the urban agglomerations of the nation states with the large economies and / or control of scarce resources.

    A pattern of Trade and Import Replacement can be seen in:

    The earliest Neolithic Trading Villages

    Pre Classical (Bronze Age) Mediterranean commerce Ugarit, Ulu Burum, Kommos, et. al.

    Classical commerce of Greeks, Phoenicians and Romans

    Mediaeval commerce between 400 and 1400

    Colonial commerce between 1400 and 1950

    Nation-state commerce between 1750 and 2000

    Global and multi-national trading bloc commerce between 1960 and present

    Over this period Trade primarily benefited those who controlled Trade.

    However, in these same time frames the citizens who benefited the most were those who live and work in and / or were served by “places” that worked to focus economic activity on Import Replacement.

    We will not bore you with the details but I am convinced that the same pattern could be found in the emerging cultures in Mesoamerica, the Pacific Coast of South America, Africa and elsewhere (including the “Mound Builders” of the Mississippi / Missouri River Valley and the Southeast) if their cultures had not been wiped out by guns, germs and steel. Hat tip to Jared Diamond. (I too went to Jaredโ€™s.)

    Urban economic activity starts with Trade but must transition to Import Replacement to be sustainable. That is especially true as humans begin to push the limits of the exploitable resources (the price of oil continues up) and the reality that finite resources can be exhausted becomes apparent. See Jim Baconโ€™s post on “The End of Cheap Gasoline” of 19 November 2007.
    The US of A fought a Revolutionary War and a Civil War over aspects of Trade vs Income Replacement. The causes of the two World Wars and the Cold War can be traced to resource allocation and control of commerce.

    As the World becomes more “Flat” and civilization becomes more urban, the importance of the “place” and location grows and so does the pattern of human settlement.

    The fundamental building block of contemporary civilization is the New Urban Region. The New Urban Region and the urban agglomerations in Urban Support Regions must move to transition from Trade to Income Replacement.

    Cost of communication and information transfer and storage are going down and the real cost of Mobility and Access โ€“ if all the location-variable costs are fairly allocated โ€“ is going up at an accelerating rate.

    In this context, Democracy and a market economy depend on Income Replacement.

    This is why it is so important to understand the roles of the four Estates โ€“ The Agency Estate, the Enterprise Estate, The Institution Estate and the Citizen / Household Estate. This is the topic of our most recent Backgrounder which is being presented in four PARTs in the last two and next two columns.

    POSTSCRIPT

    We has originally intended to post this material as a comment on the “Freight Rail: The Robust Transportation Mode” of 10 December. The comment by EMR to which Larry Gross responded to was in that string.

    However, upon further review…

    EMRโ€™s original comment was prompted by the facts that:

    We believe that it is wildly premature to write off interRegional Passenger Rail for reasons stated in our previously comments in the original string.

    We believe it is unwise to promote the views of a denizen of the Enterprise Estate as the view that should guide the Agency, Institution and Citizen / Household Estates. What is good for General Motors is not necessarily good for the US of A and that goes for Norfolk Southern as well for reasons we have noted in our response to Peter Galuszka. We hope Peter has the time to read these comments with care.

    As happened with the comments that followed the “End of Cheap Gasoline” post the comments moved from a discussion of transportation alternatives to speculation about settlement pattern alternatives. Many of these comments are driven by three Myths we will be exploring in a future column.

    For all these reasons (and the fact if buried at the end of 60 plus comments Larry would not see an answer) it seemed best to start over with an answer to Larry.

    By the way Larry, I will get to your TAZ questions in due course. We will admit to being a bit put off by your asking if we had ever heard of TAZs :>) We just addressed the NUR / USR question.

    EMR


  • “Lexus Lanes” for Electricity

    Pepco is doing it in Washington, D.C. Why isn’t Dominion doing it in Northern Virginia — and the rest of its service territory, for that matter? From today’s Washington Post:

    Pepco is about to start sending personal e-mail messages to Jonathan and Lauren Schwabish every few hours that could determine when they do the dishes, wash the baby’s clothes or turn on the air conditioner.

    The couple will learn when the price of electricity for their old Capitol Hill home will spike the next day because Washington’s winter chill or its steamy summer is nudging up the demand for power.

    If they wait to turn on the washing machine or they turn off the air conditioner when the sun beats down, they’ll be rewarded with a credit on their utility bill that could reach hundreds of dollars a year. Other D.C. residents have agreed to pay rates eight times the average if they use their appliances at peak times but rates well below it at off-peak hours, as part of a pilot program starting next month.

    “Lexus lanes” are coming to the electricity grid. Energy conservation programs that died when the power market switched from regulation to competition are back, but with new technology and aggressive demands from government regulators facing anger over rising prices.

    Just as long-awaited high-occupancy toll lanes will charge drivers a fee to travel at rush hours, electricity customers will pay more when the grid is congested and less when it’s not.


  • Virginia High-Tech Employment Still on a Roll

    Ranked by absolute numbers, high-tech employment is growing fastest in Northern Virginia, but ranked in percentage terms, it’s growing fastest in Central Virginia (Richmond and Charlottesville), according to the 4th quarter Regional Scorecard for Virginia’s High-Technology Industries.

    Without question, Northern Virginia remains the Big Kahuna of high-tech industry in Virginia, with 21.3 percent of all firms falling into industries classified as “high technology” according to the “Hecker” methodology (high-tech industries employ twice the average of scientific, technical and engineering occupations). The study was conducted by Chmura Economics & Analytics and funded by the Center for Innovative Technology.

    But 10.3 percent of all Central Virginia firms are classified as high tech, and high-tech employment increased 3.4 percent there over the past four quarters — even faster than NoVa’s 2.6 percent increase. Hampton Roads and Roanoke/Blacksburg/Lynchburg also have respectable high-tech industry clusters.

    What’s encouraging about the job growth in Central Virginia (which I call home, so I pay more attention to it) is the dynamism of “embryonic” and “small” firms. Although job growth among medium and large high-tech employers was restrained, it was strong in early-stage enterprises — even exceeding embryonic/small job growth in Northern Virginia, with its vast entrepreneurial support network. (In NoVa, most high-tech job growth came from large enterprises.) Another surprising performer in early-stage firms is the west/central region (Roanoke/Blacksburg/Lynchburg).

    Growth in high-tech employment is a crucial indicator of regional prosperity. Not only do “high tech” industries enjoy better growth prospects, but they pay considerably higher wages and salaries than their lower-tech counterparts.

    One small gripe: While it’s useful to compare the progress made by Virginia’s regions, it would be helpful to know how our regions compare nationally. It would be nice if CIT could afford to broaden the scope of the research project.

    (Click on map for larger, more detailed image.)


  • The Rolls-Royce Deal and Knowledge Creation

    The University of Virginia has released new details about the Rolls-Royce deal and, despite my misgivings over the $56.8 million in state contributions to the project (see “Questions about the Rolls Royce Deal“), I have to concede that Virginia is putting some of the money where it belongs — increasing the state’s capacity for knowledge creation rather than into Rolls-Royce’s pockets.

    According to an article in the University of Virginia Magazine’s e-newsletter, a partnership encompassing U.Va, Virginia Tech and the Virginia Community College System will create two new research centers: The Commonwealth Center for Advanced Manufacturing, adjacent to the Rolls-Royce facility in Prince George County, and the Center for Aerospace Propulsion Systems to be headquartered at U.Va.

    The Commonwealth will support the Virginia universities in these endeavors over five years with the following:

    • Funding for nine chaired professorships โ€” three in engineering at U.Va., three in U.Va.’s McIntire School of Commerce and three at Virginia Tech
    • Endowment of graduate fellowships to support the work of U.Va. and Tech graduate students at the Advanced Manufacturing Center and on the home campuses
    • Endowment of internships to support undergraduate students working with Rolls-Royce in Virginia and around the world
    • Renovation of mechanical engineering laboratories at U.Va. and Virginia Tech
    • Support for enhancements to the manufacturing programs at U.Va.’s Engineering School, which will allow the introduction of a manufacturing minor
    • Assistance to the community colleges to retrain existing Rolls-Royce employees and to train new Rolls-Royce employees
    • Matching funds for research support provided by Rolls-Royce. The research will be in areas of interest to Rolls-Royce, including work done within the Center for Aerospace Propulsion Systems.

    If the Commonwealth is going to invest public funds in higher education, it might as well steer funds into projects that arise in response to market demand and create stronger industry/workforce/research clusters. Indeed, investments made on behalf of Rolls-Royce may provide the basis for enticing other aerospace businesses to Virginia.

    This project takes economic development to a higher level — it’s one of the best examples I’ve seen of Economy 4.0 thinking in practice here in the Commonwealth. Advanced manufacturing and aerospace research are the kinds of high value-added economic activity we want to encourage. I still have reservations about spending so much money on a single project, but this latest news ameliorates my concerns to some degree.


  • Coping with McMansions

    In Fredericksburg, people are getting upset by a trend of gauche new residents tearing down old houses and replacing them with McMansions. Such tension is inevitable in a growing region where property parcels in traditional, small-town neighborhoods are a scarce commodity. As property values rise in these desirable settings, new owners want their house to match the price they paid for the land. Why shouldn’t they be able to build what they want?

    But the reaction is understandable as well. A hulking monster can visually overwhelm its smaller neighbors and disrupt the scale and sight-lines that made the neighborhood desirable in the first place. What is a City Council person to do?

    Reports the Free Lance-Star: A proposed ordinace would regulate the dimensions of a new house: the maximum height and the percentage of the lot it covers.

    City planners found that most homes in Fredericksburg neighborhoods have two stories or fewer. The ordinance would bring the maximum building height in residential districts down from 35 feet to 27 feet to try to keep new houses more in line with existing ones.

    Planners also looked at maps and found that most city homes cover between 10 and 30 percent of the lots they stand on. To keep new homes within that norm, the city is proposing that new homes cover no more than 25 percent of a lot.

    Property owners would be able to seek a special use permit to go beyond the height and coverage limits, but would have to show that exceeding those would not adversely impact their neighbors.


  • An Urban/Rural Split in the New Democratic Majority?

    The Democrats may have taken power in the state Senate, but people are already worrying how well the new-found majority will hang together. Incoming Majority Leader Richard Saslaw, D-Fairfax, has said the changes could mean more money for Northern Virginia and Hampton Roads. If that funding shift comes at the expense of rural Virginia, what happens to the Democrats’ four rural/small town senators?

    Tim Craig with the Washington Post has written a piece exploring the potential division within the Democratic majority.

    “I think there is already some tension,” said Sen. Phillip P. Puckett (D-Russell), who represents coal country in southwestern Virginia. “I have just asked for some fairness. I understand the seniority system, but at the same time, rural Democratic legislators are concerned.”

    As I’ve long maintained, General Assembly politics is driven by regional interests as much as philosophical principles. If the new Democratic majority expends a lot of effort rejiggering funding allocation formulas — most notably for schools and roads — rural legislators of both parties will unite against them faster than you can shake a stick. Things could get messy.


  • In Defense of Payday Lending

    Do gooders across Virginia are fulminating against the evils of payday lenders for “targeting” the poor, charging unconscionable fees and perpetuating the cycle of poverty. In January, the General Assembly considered 16 bills that would have imposed restrictions. Although none of them have passed, the agitation continues against the industry, which generates $1.3 billion a year of business in Virginia alone.

    It’s hard not to sympathise with poor people caught in a cycle of debt. And the charges on the micro loans are undeniably high: In Virginia, reports the Harrisonburg Daily News Record, lenders can charge $15 for every $100 they lend. Calculated as an annual rate, the interest comes to 391 percent, although the loans almost never roll over for a full year. Critics are lobbying for a 36 percent annual cap — a rate that payday lenders say would put them out of business.

    Frankly, I’m amazed that payday lenders charge only $15 per $100. There are two reasons why the rate seems justified. First, there are paperwork and other administrative costs associated with each loan, regardless of the size of the loan. Secondly, the loans are going to a high-risk group. Although 95 percent of borrowers pay back their loans on time, or nearly on time, that means 5 percent don’t. That’s a high delinquency rate — higher, I believe, than the delinquencies in the infamous sub-prime mortgage market that is roiling the world of global finance.

    Finally, I would observe, if the terms of payday lenders are so onerous, why do so many people patronize them? Because a large number of people have a need for emergency cash, and there’s nowhere else to get it… except from Cousin Vinnie and Uncle Guido, who will charge you even more, and they’ll break your kneecaps if you don’t pay on time.

    If the Go Gooders think that payday lenders are so rapacious, there’s always one remedy available in a capitalist system. Go into business yourself and lend the money at rates and terms your conscience allows. If your instincts are right, you’ll find lots of customers and be successful. If you’re wrong… you’ll go out of business.


  • One More Reason to Never Trust a Politician

    In 2003, the General Assembly added $1 to the annual charge for automobile registrations to raise money for Jamestown’s 400th anniversary celebration. Designed as a temporary measure, the surcharge was due to expire June 30, 2008.

    Last week Sen. Thomas K. Norment, Jr., R-Williamsburg, suggested to the Williamsburg City Council that the fee could find new uses, such as funding tourism programs, now that the Jamestown events are over, reports Tom Holden with the Virginian-Pilot.

    Yesterday, Attorney General Bob McDonnell called for eliminating the registration fee as scheduled. According to a statement released by his office, “McDonnell made it clear … that when a fee is passed for a specific purpose, and that purpose no longer exists, the fee must be removed.” Good for McDonnell!

    I find it extraordinary that Norment would even consider retaining the tax. It’s not the size of the charge that infuriates me, it’s the principle. Voters have little enough faith in the promises made by politicians as it is, especially when invoking the promise, “I will not raise taxes.” Two governors have broken that oath this decade alone. If the General Assembly decides to keep the tax, the list of untrustworthies will expand to include legislators who swear that a tax increase “is just temporary.”

    (Photo credit of Thomas “Would You Buy a Used Car from This Man?” Norment: Kaufman and Canoles.)


  • Freight Rail: The Robust Transportation Mode

    Let me put in a plug for Peter Galuszka’s column this week, “Forget Passenger Rail,” which is based upon recent remarks by Norfolk Southern CEO Charles Moorman. Here’s the thrust of the column: Moorman doesn’t see much future for passenger rail in the United States: The political will doesn’t exist to build it. But he does foresee a bright future for freight rail. And public-private partnerships with the freight rail companies could make sense.

    Here’s my spin on Peter’s story. Instead of flogging the fantasy of high-speed, inter-city passenger rail, wasting money and creativity on studies that will lead to nothing, Virginians should focus on working with the freight railroads to divert millions of trucks off the roads and highways.

    Freight rail in the United States is muscular and robust: It kicks sand in the face of that scrawny weakling, passenger rail. Freight rail, unlike passenger rail, is profitable. Freight rail carriers spend billions of dollars annually upgrading their systems — the capital budget of Norfolk Southern alone is $1.4 billion this year. Bottom line for taxpayers: Freight rail is a transportation mode that pays its own way.

    Of course, there’s only so much that Norfolk Southern and other railroads can do by themselves. They have to generate competitive returns on investment or they will be punished by the money lords of Wall Street. That means they are unwilling to invest in an array of projects that might offer important social benefits, such as getting even more trucks off congested highways.

    I’m one of those anti-tax zealots that Peter has little patience with, so I’m not persuaded that subsidizing rail, even freight rail, is a good idea under any circumstances. But if we’re determined to do so, we’d be better off focusing our attention on partnering with Norfolk Southern and CSX rather than pursuing pipe dreams like a Bristol-Richmond-Washington rail corridor.

    (Photo credit of Norfolk Southern and CSX trains: Pentrex Railroad Videos and Books.)


  • Energy Efficiency is the Answer

    In this week’s column, I expand upon a short blog post I made in late October, “Conservation Capitalism,” which highlighted the Energy Efficiency Partnership of Greater Washington. That partnership, spearheaded by Virginia Tech, has set the goal of reducing energy consumption by 20 percent to 50 percent in some 100 major office buildings in the Washington region over the next five years.

    Virginia Tech will drum up awareness through conferences and other outreach programs, Pepco Energy Services will conduct the retrofits and investment banker Hannon Armstrong will arrange an estimated $100 million worth of project financing per year.

    While the politicians are talking about climate change and energy conservation, the level of activity on the ground — people actually doing something to increase energy efficiency — is remarkably low compared to other countries, observes Laurel Colless, the cosmopolitan New Zealander, wife of the Finnish ambassador to the United States, and mother of three children, who got the ball rolling. But the Washington region appears to have reached a tipping point. The response to the initiative has been enthusiastic she says. At last count, 38 major property owners had contacted the Partnership about participating.

    Pepco will conduct detailed energy audits for serious prospects, ranking a list of energy-saving improvements: from double-paning windows and installing automated lighting, heating and cooling controls to installing solar panels on the roof or building a cogeneration facility to supply electricity, steam and hot water.

    Energy service companies like Pepco have been around a long time. The crucial difference now is the appearance of companies like Hannon Armstrong that can bundle the savings into a single project, bridging the gap between the property owner’s expectation of a short-term payback and the 8- to 10-year time horizon required to recoup some of the more expensive energy-saving investments. Hannon Armstrong employs mixtures of equity and debt, and devises arcane structures such as synthetic and leveraged leases.

    The energy savings are shared between the property owner, Pepco, Hannon Armstrong and its investors. For the property owners, the value proposition is effortless, risk-free savings. The Partners are confident the idea will take off.

    Colless guesstimates that the potential exists to reduce electricity consumption by $3.6 billion a year in the Washington region. That’s just from the commercial sector, not including federal government facilities, hospitals or universities. By deploying energy-efficiency strategies across Virginia, we can delay the need to build expensive and intrusive new power plants and transmission lines for years — potentially until renewable fuels such as solar, wind and biomass are practicable to build economically on a large scale. The result will be lower electric bills and less pollution.

    Read the full article here.


  • Burn, Baby, Burn!


    The Dec. 10, 2007, edition of the Bacon’s Rebellion e-zine is now online. Subscribe here for free to make sure you never miss an issue. Fan the flames, spread the Rebellion!

    Here’s our line-up this week:
    Conservation Capitalism
    Want to increase energy efficiency, ward off global warming and save the plant? Then send in the capitalists. They have the creativity, resources and drive to get the job done.
    by James A. Bacon

    400 Years Behind
    For all the resources it has expended, Virginia has made marginal progress cleaning up the Bay. The key data point: Three million more people live in the Chesapeake watershed than did 25 years ago.
    by Doug Koelemay

    The Estates Matrix
    Estates, the organizing constructs of human society, have undergone dramatic conversions over the past 700 years. In the process, the Fourth Estate has relinquished its once-decisive role.
    by EM Risse

    Let the Greenway Bloom
    Tolls from the Dulles Greenway are funding road improvements that government can’t afford to make, and investors are watching to see how fairly Virginia regulators treat private risk capital.
    by Leonard Gilroy

    Heed the Guy Who Stayed Home
    Jim Gilmore has a near-lock on the GOP nomination for U.S. Senate next year. But he would be wise to listen to Chris Saxman, the up-and-comer who chose not to challenge him.
    by Norm Leahy

    Forget Passenger Rail
    Norfolk Southern’s CEO provides clarity regarding the high cost of infrastructure and the lack of political will to pay for it. So much for the dreamy-eyed fantasies of those pricey consultants.
    by Peter Galuszka

    Citizen, Heal Thyself
    Poor health in coalfield communities is a national disgrace. Citizens need to mobilize schools, churches and government agencies to instruct children in healthier lifestyles.
    by Frank Kilgore

    Nice & Curious Questions
    It’s Not My Neighbor’s Water: Turning on the Tap in Virginia
    by Edwin S. Clay III and Patricia Bangs


  • Fools and Charlatans

    Who is former Gov. William Berkeley’s P.R. agent? I want to hire the guy!

    In today’s commentary section, the Richmond Times-Dispatch selected “the greatest” Virginians of the 17th century: Capt. John Smith and Gov. William Berkeley. I won’t quarrel with Smith, savior of the Jamestown colony. But Berkeley — “Butcher” Berkeley, defender of the English monarchy, oppressor of Bacon’s Rebellion and instigator of Indian slave trading? Puh-lease.

    According to Jack P. Greene, a Johns Hopkins University professor of
    colonial history:

    [Berkeley] more than anybody else during the seventeenth century, helped to give shape to early colonial Virginia society. He was an improver and during his long governorship endeavored to create a political society in Virginia that would incorporate English legal, political, and social traditions into the warp and woof of the rude agricultural world of the Chesapeake.

    He provided the leadership for a people focused heavily on private estate building to insure the protection of property and the rule of law and to provide the religious and political institutional foundations for the transformation of Virginia into a recognizably English polity.

    Read “Nathaniel Bacon Vindicated, Gov. Berkeley Shamed,” based on the scholarship of Richard Thornton, to see what we have to say about that!

    As for Nathaniel Bacon — leader of the first colonial revolt against English misrule, advocate of landless farmers and freed slaves, and expositor of the “Declaration of the People” — the Times-Dispatch relegates him to the bottom of an article about the “most controversial” 17th century Virginians. Indeed, one Bland Whitley would create a special category, Worst Virginian of the 17th Century, to dishonor Bacon on the grounds that he established “a precedent whereby opponents of governing elites took out their resentment on those even more vulnerable than themselves (in this case the Indians).”

    Who is this charlatan Whitley? Apparently, he is employed by the Library of Virginia as a historian and editor. The fact that Bacon represented the interests of white servants and black slaves against the royalist aristocracy once counted for something among historians. That interpretation appears to be out of fashion now that the greatest evil a historical figure can commit is being a European in the civilizational clash between Europeans and Indians!

    Bacon probably wasn’t the nicest guy in the world when it came to his dealings with Indians. There was a lot of bad behavior back in the 17th century, when England, and by extension, Virginia, was ruled by a monarchy and aristocracy; a century when brutality and violence were endemic around the globe. Democracy, human rights and respect for multi-cultural diversity hadn’t been invented yet, people!

    What do we know about the specifics of Bacon’s conflict with the Indians? Not much for sure. The evidence is incomplete and conflicting. For some reason, though, historians today are all too eager to embrace the narrative spun by the aristocrat Berkeley and his royalist chums, who blamed Bacon for upsetting the finely tuned alliances that enabled the enslavement and trade in the Indians living in the Carolinas and Georgia, over that of Bacon, the tribune of the people. What a travesty!

    I can hardly wait to see the T-D’s selection of the greatest Virginian of the 18th century. I’m laying odds on Lord Charles Cornwallis!

    Update: Here’s Bacon’s real sin: He was Virginia’s first recorded tax protester! The first of his complaints against Berkeley criticized the Governor “For haveing upon specious pretences of publiqe works raised greate unjust taxes upon the Comonality for the advancement of private favorites and other sinister ends, but noe visible effects in any measure adequate.”


  • Campaign Spending Out of Control

    The final count is in: General Assembly candidates raised more than $67 million for the 2007 campaign — more than doubling the $30 million total from four years previously. According to numbers supplied by Clayton Roberts with the Virginia Foundation for Research and Economic Education, Elephant Clan candidates amassed $30.0 million, while Donkey Clan candidates raised $28.3 million.

    The biggest single fund raiser of all was Jeannemarie Devolites Davis, who rounded up $1,942,000 — all for a losing bid for a Senate seat.

    Cool question: What word pops up when you run “Devolites” through Microsoft Word spellcheck?

    Answer: “Desolates”!!


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  • Rotor Rootering Virginia’s Corroding Corridors

    Peter Bacque with the Times-Dispatch provides a solid update on the new highway access regulations that the Virginia Department of Transportation is putting into effect.

    A year and a half ago, Bacon’s Rebellion highlighted the challenge of “Corroding Corridors,” the problem created when local governments allow commercial establishments to create too many entrances to state-maintained highways. An excessive number of access points increases the risk of traffic accidents, and it diminishes the volume of traffic the highways can carry. Studies show, Bacque says, that a four-lane highway with good access management can carry as much traffic as a six-lane highway with poor entrance control.

    In one of its more important, though little noticed, transportation initiatives, the Kaine administration is re-writing the rules for highway access. A key goal is to increase the carrying capacity of major transportation corridors such as Midlothian Turnpike and Broad Street in the Richmond region, U.S. 29 North in Charlottesville, the Leesburg Pike in Northern Virginia, the Military Highway in Norfolk and countless others. It’s a great example of how it is possible to address traffic congestion by making the existing road network work more efficiently, as opposed to spending billions of dollars on new capacity, with attendant ongoing obligations to maintain that capacity.

    According to Bacque, management techniques include:

    • Increasing spacing between signals and interchanges
    • Controls on driveway location, spacing and design
    • Using reserved turning lanes
    • Two-way left-turn lanes from a center lane
    • Raising medians to prevent movements across a roadway
    • Employing service and frontage roads
    • Sharing entrances
    • Providing access across adjoining properties
    • Land use policies limiting access to highways

    While these policies seem vastly preferable to the anything-goes practice that reigns now, they may be less than ideal. “Much of the language and the standards are geared to suburban rather than compact, urban forms of development,” says Trip Pollard with the Southern Environmental law Center. “The standards for spacing entrances seem too larger for urban settings where compact development is desired.”

    Even so, I regard the new approach to corridor management to be one of the signature achievements of the Kaine administration.