• Has the Time for Bus Rapid Transit Finally Come?

    In a welcome show of bipartisanship, Democrats and Republicans have come together to patron HJ 98, which would authorize a joint subcommittee to study the establishment of Bus Rapid Transit corridors in Northern Virginia.

    While the chief patron is Del. Vivian Watts, D-Annandale, other patrons include conservative Republicans such as Delegates Bob Marshall, R-Manassas and Tim Hugo, R-Centerville, and Sen. Ken Cuccinelli, R-Fairfax. States the resolution:

    In conducting its study, the joint subcommittee shall look into the cost, efficacy, and relationship to the regional transportation network of establishing bus rapid transit corridors in the Northern Virginia Transportation District, including the need for and issues related to establishing dedicated lanes, location of stations, accessibility and station parking, ridership projections related to levels of service, cost-benefit analysis with other transit options, and other relevant considerations.

    I don’t know if this comes as a response to the demise of the Rail-to-Dulles project, but it’s good to see that Northern Virginia legislators are showing signs of moving on rather than trying to fight a battle that’s already been lost.

    My only concern is that BRT should not be considered in a vacuum. It should be viewed in a larger context that includes human settlement patterns and congestion pricing. The subcommittee needs to ask itself, do certain densities and streetscapes lend themselves to supporting BRT better than others? Also, to what extent would congestion pricing in heavily traveled corridors and districts encourage people to ride the buses?

    One last question: Why limit the study to Northern Virginia? Isn’t BRT a potential option for the Hampton Roads and Richmond regions as well?

    With those provisos, the study sounds like an excellent idea. (Hat tip: Too Many Taxes.)

    (Cutline: Bus Rapid Transit in Bogata, Colombia. Photo credit: the Rebuilding Place in the Urban Space blog.)

  • Why Liberals Should Oppose the Homestead Exemption: It’s Regressive

    The ladies and gents with the Commonwealth Institute must be working overtime because they’ve weighed in with their third major research paper in the past couple of months. “How Property Taxes Hit Home” examines the impact of rising property taxes and a proposed remedy, the so-called Homestead exemption.

    As one would expect from a liberal-leaning think tank, the report emphasizes the regressive nature of Virginia’s property tax as well as the proposed remedy for that tax. But as a tax conservative, I have to concede that authors Michael Cassidy and Sara Okos make some valid points.

    As this chart shows (click on chart to view larger, clearer image) low-income homeowners pay a larger percentage of their income to property taxes than homeowners in higher income brackets.

    That would seem to be a strong justification for the Homestead exemption, which would allow local governments to exempt up to 20 percent of a homeowner’s property from taxation, to provide relief from soaring property tax bills. This proposed constitutional amendment, which was been passed by the General Assembly last year, must be passed again this year and then approved by voters in a referendum.

    So, what’s not to like? Business lobbies aren’t happy about the bill because it would shift much of the tax burden to commercial taxes. The actual amount would vary from locality to locality, depending upon the balance of residential vs. commercial property in the tax base. But Cassidy and Okos are more concerned about the implications for income redistribution. “By reducing the taxable value of all Virginiansโ€™ homes by the same proportion (20 percent),” they write, “the homestead exemption stands as a tax giveaway to homeowners with extremely valuable homes.”

    At the lowest end of the income scale are not homeowners but renters, constituting about a third of the population. Renters would gain nothing from the homestead exemption. Indeed, the authors point out, insofar as apartment buildings and other commercial housing would shoulder a higher share of the tax burden, those costs would be passed on to renters. In other words, renters could be losers from the exemption.

    If the goal is to provide tax relief for homeowners of more modest means, Cassidy and Okos argue, there are better alternatives, such as exempting the first $20,000 of a property’s assessed value. That would provide an equal break for all homeowners, not one that benefits wealthier property owners disproportionately, and there would be less blowback for renters.


  • Heavy Rail and Mobility for the Handicapped


    I apologize to readers who have over-dosed on the Rail-to-Metro story, but it is one of the most important public works project in Virginia history. All facets of the story need to be explored.

    This Youtube video comes from Pat Kane, a Northern Virginia urban planner whom I first met in the late 1980s when I started covering transportation and land use issues for Virginia Business magazine. Back then, some 20 years ago, Kane was a visionary for re-developing Tysons Corner into the kind of higher-density pedestrian-oriented community that many people have since come to favor.

    Kane suffered from a stroke a couple of years back, rendering him unable to type. But his mind is still lucid. Thanks to Youtube, he can still express himself. In this video commentary, he makes the case for Rail-to-Dulles heavy rail. Fifty percent of the population does not drive, he notes — that includes teenagers, the elderly and the handicapped, like himself. One benefit of heavy rail that has not been factored into the debate, he suggests, is its ability to provide mobility for non-motorists.

    All the more reason to go back to the drawing boards and get Rail to Dulles right.


  • Coming Up Next: “Moral Majority” Drive?

    I can’t believe this made it through a Democratic-controlled state Senate, even if the custom is to honor the requests of local legislators. A bill sponsored by Sen. Steve Newman, R-Lynchburg, would name a section of U.S. 460 in Lynchburg the Jerry Falwell Parkway, according to the News & Advance. The Senate approved the bill unanimously.


  • Simpson on Rail to Dulles: No More “Illusion and Delusion”

    Federal Transit Administrator James S. Simpson is taking a lot of heat for turning down federal funding for the Rail-to-Dulles heavy rail project. Critics now are accusing the Bush administration of undermining support for mass transit.

    There was a huge concern that the Dulles issue is not unique to this region, that this is an effort on the part of the administration to re-channel funding to other directions,” said Washington Metro General Manger John Catoe, according to the Associated Press.

    But Simpson is not backing off his decision. In fact, he’s taken off his boxing gloves and seems ready for some bare-fisted brawling. Northern Virginia ought to stop waiting for “the federal dole,” he said. “The jurisdictions can’t wait for a wing and a prayer for Congress to pass something.”

    “Maryland, Virginia and D.C. need to step up to the plate and take care of the state of good repair,” he said, referring to the massive maintenance liabilities the Washington Metro has built up over the years. Adding to a system without being able to take care of what it already has is irresponsible, he told AP. “It’s like the subprime mentality — people don’t care what things really cost.”

    Said Simpson: “What this administration is all about is being practical in making investments and not using delusion and illusion to push a mega-project through.”

    Sign that man up as a columnist for Bacon’s Rebellion!

    For the record: I totally support the concept of heavy rail in the Dulles corridor. But I believe the project as currently conceived is a disaster. The Kaine administration and Fairfax County need to radically re-think the financing of the project and the optimum land uses around proposed Metro stops, then start over.

  • A Glimmer in the Darkness

    It looks like the General Assembly is actually taking seriously the possibility that revenues from the gas tax may one day become inadequate to fund Virginia’s transportation needs. (It’s already inadequate, but it will become even more inadequate.) As Bacon’s Rebellion has warned repeatedly, as motorists shift to hybrid vehicles, electric vehicles and other more exotic automobiles over the next decade or so, revenues from the gasoline tax will decline precipitously.

    Well, a Joint Subcommittee Studying Fuel Efficient Vehicles and Transportation Funding, chaired by Sen. Frank Wagner, R-Virginia Beach, invited various transportation experts to testify and everyone concluded, yes, there is a problem. States an executive summary of the Subcommittee report:

    Based on current gas prices, current consumer demand, and Congressโ€™ recently-enacted CAFE standards, the current methods of transportation funding in the Commonwealth will not keep pace with new energy technologies being used for motor vehicles (e.g., hybrid vehicles; increased use of alternative fuel) and the Commonwealth will see a decrease in motor vehicle fuels tax revenues.

    Jonathan Gifford, a professor at George Mason Universityโ€™s School of Public Policy, laid out a number of policy alternatives, including: increasing the fuel tax, eliminating fuel tax exemptions, cutting transfer payments to transit, imposing more tolls (HOT lanes, road metering), and congestion pricing. Bacon’s Rebellion’s preferred option, a Vehicle Miles Driven tax, apparently was not considered (unless road metering amounts to the same thing).

    It’s progress of a sort. At least the General Assembly recognizes that it has a problem. It remains to be seen if it will actually do anything about it.

  • Fresh Details of U.S. 460 Bids

    Here are the details on the proposed upgrade of U.S. 460 between Suffolk and Petersburg, from the Executive Summary of the U. S. Route 460 Communications Committee. The project, to refresh your memory, would be a public-private partnership. Some of this information had been published in newspaper accounts, but not all.
    The justification for the investment of considerable state funds and imposition of a toll is the need (a) to accommodate growing truck traffic from the ports in Hampton Roads and (b) to provide an alternative hurricane evacuation route. Detailed proposals will be due in Spring of 2008 and negotiation and execution of an interim or comprehensive agreement will occur in Fall of 2008.

    Cintra 460
    Concession period: 50 years
    Est. Completion: Jan. 2014
    Est. DB price: $1,051 million (2006)
    Public funding: $174.5 million (base case)
    Other funding: TIFIA loan $450 million
    Toll rate: $0.07 to 0.24/mile
    Equity contribution: Cintra will “provide equity in substantial amounts”

    Itinere
    Concession period: 60 years
    Est. Completion: Dec. 2013
    Est. DB price: $1,550 million (2006)
    Public funding: state/federal – $1,056 million
    Other funding: Private activity bonds – $477 million, TIFIA – $144 million
    Toll rate: $0.14/mile
    Equity contribution: $98 million

    VCP
    Concession period: 50 years
    Est. Completion: June 2014
    Est. DB price: $1,535 million (2006)
    Public funding:
    Other funding: Private activity bonds – $1,849 million, TIFIA – $219 million
    Toll rate: $0.24/mile
    Equity contribution: $363 million for base case

    What I’m still waiting to see is a detailed cost-benefit analysis of this project, which would create a brand, spanking new divided highway in place of the existing four-lane road with peak speed limits of 55 mph and numerous stoplights. What are the projected traffic volumes? What will be the impact on human settlement patterns along the corridor? I’m also wondering what alternatives were considered for upgrading the existing four-lane road.

    (Photo cutline: U.S. 460 in Wakefield. Photo credit: Virginiahighways.com.)


  • Rail to Dulles: “Time to Think of Something Different”

    I haven’t had much nice to say about Del. David B. Albo, R-Springfield, for his obstinate stance on Abuser Fees, but he did make sense yesterday when talking about the Rail to Dulles project. On the floor of the House of Delegates, according to Amy Gardner with the Washington Post, he arose to say:

    “The proponents of this thing are basically violating the rule that says that the definition of insanity is doing the same thing and expecting different results. We’d better start thinking of something different, and we’d better start thinking of something fast.”

    I guess that means Gov. Timothy M. Kaine meets the definition of insanity. The governor still hopes to salvage the $5 billion heavy rail project as currently envisioned, relying upon the federal government for $900 million. He is heartened, he said, by the apparent willingness of U.S. Secretary of Transportation Mary Peters to get to the bottom of apparent misunderstandings behind the feds’ decision to turn down the grant.

    At least Kaine did say one thing yesterday that made sense: Replacing the federal funds with even higher tolls on the Dulles Toll Road is a solution he’s not willing to support. … Good… Now, if only he’d look to the property owners who stand to reap billions of dollars in increased property valuations thanks to Metro service and higher density zoning around the stations.


  • It’s a Long Shot, But Redistricting Reform Is Worth Rooting For

    Winding its way through the state Senate is a bill (SB38), authored by Sen. Creigh Deeds, D-Bath, that would turn the job of redistricting over to an independent, bipartisan commission. A bill that wins the support of Democrats Gov. Timothy M. Kaine and former Gov. Mark R. Warner as well as Republicans Lt. Gov. Bill Bolling and former Gov. George Allen must have something to recommend it.

    The legislation, it is hoped, would reduce the practice of gerrymandering. Rather than create legislative districts to protect incumbents and handicap their rivals, an impartial redistricting process would create districts around geographic community of interest. That would mean more competitive districts and fewer safe seats for incumbents.

    To most citizens, that sounds like a good thing. Once upon a time long ago, as in the mid-1990s during the days of the Gingrich revolution, Republicans supported incumbent-dislodging ideas such as term limits. But to Republican members of Virginia’s House of Delegates, terrified of seeing their majority whittled down in the next redistricting, an impartial commission apparently sounds like a bad thing. Writes Tyler Whitley with the Times-Dispatch:

    “The vast majority of Virginians are much more concerned about the redistricting that determines where their children go to school,” said Jeff Ryer, who is an aide to House Majority Leader H. Morgan Griffith, R-Salem. It would produce less accountability, not more, because the commissioners would not be elected, according to Ryer.

    Now, that’s logical. Not. Voters care more how their school districts are drawn, therefore, we are to conclude what, exactly? That they don’t care at all about the shape of their legislative districts? That they’re just fine with gerrymanders that obliterate natural communities of interest? I don’t think so.

    This is the same Republican caucus, I might remind you, that squelched, in a party line vote, a bill to record sub-committee votes. That proposal was offered as an antidote to a practice in which a handful of delegates in sparsely attended meetings can anonymously kill bills they don’t like.

    Republicans favor transparency and accountability when it comes to government budgets and spending (rightly so), but they apparently don’t want to be held accountable themselves. They’re going against the grain of the electorate, including independents such as myself. They’re coming across as an aloof, unaccountable, self-perpetuating clique. That’s not a formula for retaining majority status. It’s also an attitude the Elephants may come to regret if the Donkey Clan regains power in the House and gerrymander them out of office.


  • Uranium Debate Generates Heat

    There’s a huge debate brewing over whether to study the feasibility of uranium mining in Pittsylvania County. Sen. Frank W. Wagner, R-Virginia Beach, has submitted a bill to create a 15-member commission to assess the benefits and risks. A proposal just to study uranium mining, it seems, is highly controversial. There are many people in Pittsylvania County, the location of North America’s richest uranium deposit, who don’t even want to open up the possibility of reversing a 25-year moratorium on mining. (See the Times-Dispatch story on the latest developments in the General Assembly.)

    I don’t profess any expertise whatsoever on the environmental impact of uranium mining. Foes contend that uranium mining produces large tailings piles of water-soluble, radioactive waste. Not something you want leaching into the water table. On the other hand, there may well have been significant advances in engineering and technology that allow the uranium to be processed safely. How do we know unless we get someone to study the question?

    There’s a lot riding on this issue. Uranium mining in Virginia could lead to investment in uranium processing facilities as well. Combine that with the presence of nuclear service and design enterprises in Lynchburg (and Newport News as well, now that Northrup Grumman is getting into the business) as well as nuclear power generation by Dominion. The potential exists to build a world-class industry cluster based on nuclear power — creating a major high-tech growth industry for Southside/Central Virginia where no other obvious candidate exists.

    The prospect of creating a new industry cluster does not justify despoiling large swaths of Pittsylvania County for the next 10,000 or more years. But surely it is reason enough to take a second look. Surely the General Assembly can create a study commission with a balance of industry and environmental expertise that can go out and ascertain under what circumstances, and with what safeguards, and at what risk, uranium mining might be possible.


  • Ghost Writers in the Sky

    Ever wonder how our busy elected officials ever find the time to write op-ed pieces for local newspapers? Sometimes they have the pieces written for them.

    Last week, Sen. Phillip Puckett-D-Lebanon, distributed a public opinion column giving his reasons for stripping air pollution permitting power from citizen boards and giving it to the Department of Environmental Qualityโ€™s executive director. According to Kathy Still, a writer for the Bristol Herald-Courier, Puckett fessed up to not exactly being the sole author.

    Writes Still: “The column was drafted in part by August Wallmeyer, a registered lobbyist whose job is to influence Virginia lawmakers on behalf of a handful of organizations, including the Virginia Energy Providers Association and the Virginia Independent Power Producers.”

    โ€œAugie is one of the people who helped write that,โ€ Puckett said Monday. โ€œWe didnโ€™t sit down in a room and write this. Augie is the one who brought it to me. I OKโ€™d it. I take full responsibility for it.โ€

    Turns out that Frank Wagner, R-Virginia Beach, submitted an almost identical column to a newspaper in his district as well.

    C’mon, guys, nobody really expects you to have your own opinions on arcane issues like this, but the least you can do is write your own stuff. Or give ol’ Augie a joint by-line on the column!


  • NOTE TO GROVETON ON SETTLEMENT PATTERN COSTS

    At 2:04 PM on 25 January under the post โ€œRail to Dulles is Dead: Give it a Paupers Burialโ€ Groveton said:

    โ€œJim:

    โ€œI guess you believe that the ends justify the means. The end is a more efficient pattern of human settlement. The means is to allocate some direct costs back to the people who cause those costs to be incurred while spreading other direct costs to everybody on a per capita or means tested per capita basis.

    โ€œThis has nothing to do with fairness or equity. It is a mechanism for you to impose your worldview on others. Your worldview (or ends) is to force high density development on “core” NoVA. Your means is to gerrymander direct costs into location-specific and other. You vary the definition of location specific costs until (you think) it proves your point. This is an outcome based (vs. a fairness based) definition. You are willing to throw fairness aside in order to get to your desired outcome. I am not willing to do this.

    โ€œYou make the following statement, “That logic does not prevail now — the system is rife with massive cross-subsidies — and as a consequence taxpayers living in location-efficient communities are subsidizing those who live in location-inefficient communities.”

    โ€œYou have never demonstrated that point. A subsidy occurs when a group consumes more of something than they pay for with the balance being paid by others. You have a long litany of “proof points” where one style of development costs more than another style of development. However, you never seem to look at the other side of the coin – the taxes paid by one location vs. another. A subsidy can only exist when one location is paying too little in taxes to cover their costs. The only accurate test for a subsidy must be both an examination of costs and and examination of taxes paid. You give the cost side great effort. Yet you seem to ignore the (much easier to calculate) taxes paid side of the equation. Why?

    โ€œYou also take the accountant’s view of costs vs. the economists view of costs. Accountants only count costs that are directly incurred. The economist counts costs that are directly incurred and then adds the opportunity costs as well. An accountant might think that a conservation easement which blocks economic development costs nothing since there are no checks being written. An economist might think that same easement costs quite a bit since there is (potentially) a large opportunity cost. Your accountant’s view allows you to excuse the opportunity costs of decisions.

    โ€œThere are more flaws in the logic of your agruments but I have to get back to work. I am incurring an opportunity cost by not working. I’ll continue my critique when I have more time (and the opportunity costs are lower).โ€

    Groveton:

    While you addressed this comment to Jim Bacon, EMR will take a crack at responding to your comment since Jimโ€™s position relies on nearly three decades of working with EMR and on EMRโ€™s experience and research. EMRโ€™s my notes are in italics. Since this post went through a word processor, spelling and punctuation from the original post above has morphed.

    โ€œI guess you believe that the ends justify the means. The end is a more efficient pattern of human settlement. The means is to allocate some direct costs back to the people who cause those costs to be incurred while spreading other direct costs to everybody on a per capita or means tested per capita basis.

    โ€œThis has nothing to do with fairness or equity. It is a mechanism for you to impose your world view on others.โ€

    One view of โ€œfairness and equityโ€ would be that in a democracy with a market economy each citizen, Household, Agency, Enterprise and Institution pays their fair share of the costs, unless there is a transparent, open reallocation of the cost by democratic processes. There are ethical, moral and practical reasons for โ€œsubsidiesโ€ (e.g. assisting those who have been systematically deprived in the past, those with special disabilities and needs, etc.) Those factors can be reflected in the transparent, open cost reallocation.

    โ€œYour world view (or ends) is to force …

    No one is โ€œforcingโ€ anyone to do anything. If you want to pay the total cost of your actions, then do what you please.

    … high density development on “Core” NoVA.โ€

    It is important to note that this last phrase indicates that you agree with a central reality that in other contexts you seem to discount: More intense settlement patterns are more efficient. That is especially true with the rising cost of overcoming spacial dysfunction.

    โ€œYour means is to gerrymander direct costs into location-specific and other.โ€

    On what do you base the charge of โ€œgerrymandering?โ€ Please be specific.

    โ€œYou vary the definition of location specific costs until (you think) it proves your point.โ€

    EMR has read Jim Baconโ€™s material for nearly three decades and has not seen any indication of this. Specifically, how is โ€œthe definition of location specific costsโ€ (location variable costs) varied?

    โ€œThis is an outcome based (vs. a fairness based) definition.โ€

    As noted above, a fair allocation of cost is in fact โ€œfairโ€ by definition.

    โ€œYou are willing to throw fairness aside in order to get to your desired outcome.โ€

    This does not follow. Do you have a specific example?

    โ€œI am not willing to do this.โ€

    Neither is EMR and suspect Jim Bacon is not either.

    โ€œYou make the following statement, โ€˜That logic does not prevail now — the system is rife with massive cross-subsidies — and as a consequence taxpayers living in location-efficient communities are subsidizing those who live in location-inefficient communities.โ€™

    This is a fair and accurate statement. It could be more clear if โ€œtaxpayersโ€ was replaced by โ€œcitizensโ€ for reasons noted below. EMR believes Jim Bacons used โ€œtaxpayersโ€ to mean โ€œall citizensโ€ or โ€œall Householdsโ€ in a specific component because โ€œeveryone pays taxesโ€ not because the inequity is rooted in the level of taxes that citizens pay. Note that Jim appropriately uses the word โ€œcommunitiesโ€ with a small โ€œc.โ€ See GLOSSARY

    โ€œYou have never demonstrated that point.โ€

    Perhaps Jim has not but EMR has. Based on 25 years of experience in actually building the components of human settlement pattern, EMR derived five โ€œNatural Laws of Human Settlementโ€ and four of the five (The Cost of Services Curve, The 10X Rule, The 10-Person Rule and The 87 ยฝ Percent Rule) taken together support Jimโ€™s statement. He does not cite these laws every time he notes the cost allocation inequities and neither does EMR. See Natural Laws in GLOSSARY.

    You do not have to believe EMR. Do the numbers yourself. Those who would like to profit from shifting costs to others scoff at these Rules but no one has yet to demonstrate that they are not an accurate refection of the agglomeration of human settlement patterns over the past six decades.

    This is critically important because those who are uncomfortable with the implications of the positions the Jim and EMR take, immediately leap to illogical, emotional and pseudo-scientific irrelevancies without ever addressing the core principles upon which these arguments are based.

    โ€œA subsidy occurs when a group consumes more of something than they pay for with the balance being paid by others.โ€

    That is a fair statement.

    โ€œYou have a long litany of “proof points” where one style of development costs more than another style of development. However, you never seem to look at the other side of the coin – the taxes paid by one location vs. another.โ€

    Here is where use of the word โ€œtaxpayerโ€ becomes a source of confusion. Taxes are a red herring in these discussions because โ€œtaxesโ€ (especially municipal taxes on property) only cover a few of the 40 +/- important location variable goods and services. State and federal taxes cover a few more and with some notable exceptions such as the federal and state gas tax they are flat rate taxes. Your federal tax bill does not have a line item for the military cost of keeping oil costs low since 1973.

    Regulated utility rates are not generally considered โ€œtaxesโ€ and neither are special fees added to utility bills specifically intended to โ€œlevel the playing field for those with ‘locational disadvantages’โ€ – check your telephone bill.

    A good way to come to grips with the impact of gross magnitude of location variable cost mis-allocations is to review the electric utility rates per kilowatt hour charged by Household in the northwest quadrant of Fairfax County. The best way to get a full understanding is to go through the proofs of the Five Natural Laws.

    โ€œA subsidy can only exist when one location is paying too little in taxes to cover their costs.โ€

    Again โ€œtaxโ€ is not the issue. It turns out those who are benefiting from the overall location cost mis-allocation subsidies are frequently benefiting from a tax subsidy as well but that is another story.

    Because scattered urban land uses frequently cannot benefit from some โ€œurbanโ€ services paid for through municipal (especially property) taxes it is assumed the scattered location urban land use is being โ€œovertaxedโ€ for services. That is one of those illogical, emotional and pseudo-scientific irrelevancies we note above.

    โ€œThe only accurate test for a subsidy must be both an examination of costs and examination of taxes paid.โ€

    See above on taxes.

    โ€œYou give the cost side great effort. Yet you seem to ignore the (much easier to calculate) taxes paid side of the equation. Why?โ€

    Why? Because you assume the use of the word โ€œtaxpayerโ€ meant the only issue was โ€œtaxes.โ€ It is not.

    Before going on to your next point it is important to understand that in the Washington-Baltimore New Urban Region, including the National Capital Subregion (and in every major New Urban Region in the US of A) there is far more land already devoted to urban land uses than can be efficiently used to support the projected population for the next 50 years.

    You have already noted above that rational patterns and densities of land use are more efficient. An excess of land devoted to urban land uses and a finite demand means that every decision to develop more land deprives citizens, Agencies, Enterprises and Institutions of the โ€œopportunityโ€ to make existing settlement patterns more efficient and functional.

    Given the rising cost of energy to overcome spacial dysfunction this is a huge โ€œopportunity costโ€ that is not yet on your screen.

    โ€œYou also take the accountant’s view of costs vs. the economists view of costs. Accountants only count costs that are directly incurred. The economist counts costs that are directly incurred and then adds the opportunity costs as well. An accountant might think that a conservation easement which blocks economic development costs nothing since there are no checks being written. An economist might think that same easement costs quite a bit since there is (potentially) a large opportunity cost.โ€

    This is a bit demeaning because Jim has demonstrated a broad, not narrow, view of the world. Condescending tone aside, when you get all the costs, including the opportunity cost and benefits to the scattered development proponent on the table, Jimโ€™s original statement is right on.

    โ€œHere is the rub. There are lost โ€œopportunity costsโ€ but there are also โ€œavoidance costsโ€ things that would cost a lot if they were allowed to happen that are never billed.โ€

    This is a lot easier to calculate with goods and services, it is not as easy with settlement patterns but when all is said and done and all the costs are fairly allocated, Jim is right.

    โ€œFair allocationโ€ takes in all these costs and benefits and says, if you want to pay, go for it. EMR says if someone is willing to pay the total cost and it is still not in the best interest of society as determined by democratic processes then there should be compensation paid.

    That would almost never happen because most of that โ€œloss of valueโ€ is โ€œlossโ€ from an inflated, speculative valuation based on failure to understand the first of the five Natural Laws: A= PiR2.

    “Your accountant’s view allows you to excuse the opportunity costs of decisions.”

    See above

    โ€œThere are more flaws in the logic of your arguments but I have to get back to work. I am incurring an opportunity cost by not working. I’ll continue my critique when I have more time (and the opportunity costs are lower).โ€

    Groveton, you make a lot of very good observations and have some solid ideas about governance change but critiquing the core tenets of the evolution of functional and sustainable settlement pattern is not a โ€œwhile I eat my lunchโ€ sort of effort.

    Keep up the good work. Abandon the rest, no one can do it all.

    EMR


  • Hedge Fund Stalks Media General

    This is interesting. From the Wall Street Journal:

    Harbinger Capital Partners Funds, a low-profile hedge fund managing $18 billion, nominated four candidates Friday for election to the board of New York Times Co. Together with another investor, Harbinger has 4.9% of the Times. The same day, it made a similar move on the Richmond, Va., newspaper and television-broadcasting concern Media General Inc., in which it has accumulated an 18.4% voting stake.

    Why go after Media General? Under-performing stock, and a slew of assets that could possibly, and profitably, be spun-off:

    Like the Times, Media General is family controlled and has faced pressure from discontented outside shareholders in recent years. It owns a chain of smaller newspapers in the Southeast, including the Tampa Tribune and Richmond Times-Dispatch, as well as 23 TV stations. The company has been hit hard by lower ad revenue in both its print and TV operations.

    Management takes a decidedly Richmond attitude to the whole concept of outsiders seeking to change the company:

    Media General Chief Executive Officer Marshall Morton noted in an interview yesterday that Harbinger’s proxy nominations were futile, as outside shareholders can elect only three of the nine seats on the board.

    One-third control ain’t beanbag, Mr. Morton. But this quote strikes me as a corporate chieftain who is long overdue for seeking other employment:

    “We’re an industry in transition,” he said. As for Harbinger, he said most investors who aren’t happy sell their stock and go on. “Why doesn’t he do that?” Mr. Morton added.

    Many investors do that every day. But others, who think there is value in a company that the existing owners and their management team have either overlooked, or poorly developed, are eager to stay and fight for changes (and profits).

    Given Media General’s two-tiered ownership structure, it is unlikely that any group of outsiders will be able to seize control of the company. Sometimes, though, all it takes is the threat of a takeover to make changes happen.


  • Thanks for the Column, Barnie. Now for Some Tough Questions.

    Barnie Day, to my knowledge, is the first candidate for a State Corporation Commission judgeship who has made his case publicly on a blog. In “A Matter of Exquisite Balance,” Barnie provides a thoughtful column on the qualities he believes an SCC judge should possess.

    As a community bank executive in Patrick County, this former Bacon’s Rebellion contributor knows full well that business is the goose that lays the golden egg. At the same time, Day is a consumer. “I want the lights to come on when I hit the switch. I want my insurance company to pay my claims. I want my phones to work. I want my bank to stay solvent and take care of my money.” A judge, he says, has to find the right balance.

    I would agree with all that, but as a citizen I want to know his thoughts in more detail. As Day rightly observes, the three SCC judges are the state’s supreme regulators. The odds are you can’t name a single one of them, but outside of the governor, the House majority leader and the Senate majority leader, they may be the three most powerful men (and/or women) in Virginia.

    These are tumultuous times, especially for Virginia’s energy industry. The state will have a lot to say about how many new power plants, and what type, the newly regulated electric power industry builds over the next decade. Which path, or paths, should we pursue? Nuclear? Coal? Renewable? Conservation? Imported electricity over transmission lines? How do we “balance” environmental concerns against the desire to protect consumers by keeping rates low? Meanwhile, a proposal has been floated that would reform the way natural gas companies are regulated, with the aim of promoting conservation.

    How worried is Day about global warming, a key justification for energy conservation and renewable fuels? What is the proper balance between consumer concerns and environmental concerns? How aggressive should the Commonwealth be adopting a new regulatory philosophy? The men and women of the General Assembly who appoint the SCC judges may not ask these questions, but they should.


  • Drive a Spike Through that Rail’s Heart!

    It appears that the Rail-to-Dulles issue isn’t going away. In today’s column, “They Played Us,” Doug Koelemay writes colorfully that the recent Federal Transit Administration to refject federal funding for the heavy rail project is “the largest federal assault on Virginia rail since Union Gen. Benjamin Butler ripped into the Richmond & Petersburg line in 1864.”

    Doug advances the argument that there is something grievously flawed with the process by which the FTA reached its decision. He concludes that the FTA should:

    Stop moving the goal posts, start looking ahead at opportunities in rapidly urbanizing areas and start delivering what Virginians, like all Americans, expect — a process that reduces the time and cost of delivering transit projects, that helps allocate risks and responsibilities, that contributes predictability and transparency to the process and that accommodates innovative project delivery methods, such as the partnerships and financing mechanisms proposed by Virginia for Dulles Rail.

    No doubt Doug is right, the FTA process could be improved. But there’s no overlooking the flaws inherent with the project that was submitted to the FTA either.

    E M Risse offers a very different take on the FTA decision. He agrees in “Who Killed Dulles Rail?” the FTA is hardly innocent. Who would expect a Republican administration to give such a plum to a state with a Democratic governor? But plenty of others deserve a share of the blame, including, in ascending order: state officials, Washington Dulles airport, civic cheerleaders, landowners and developers, consultants and “investors,” municipal “leaders,” tunnelphiles and, most egregiously, the Washington Post. To paraphrase Pogo, “We have seen the enemy, and it is us.”

    While we’re on the topic, it’s worth noting that Amy Gardner writes in the WaPo today that the Carlyle Infrastructure Fund and other private equity groups have expressed an interest in investing in a Rail to Dulles project. I’m not holding my breath — like the existing proposal, Carlyle would extract wealth from Dulles Toll Road commuters rather than the property owners who would be enriched by the project — but it’s always possible that an outside equity group would bring fresh thinking to the project.

    Meanwhile the Washington Examiner has posted a story on how Rail-to-Dulles supporters are taking heat for having vested themselves in a project that turned out a loser. Most interesting are the comments of former Congresswoman Leslie Byrne who may face Gerry Connolly, chair of the Fairfax Board of Supervisors, in a bid for her old 11th District seat. “Neither the Board of Supervisors nor the governorโ€™s office have cloaked themselves in glory on this,” Byrne said. “They went forward with an idea that wasnโ€™t well accepted, and thatโ€™s the price you pay for it.โ€

    Byrne faulted the Kaine administration for excessive secrecy and failing to adequately bid the project. And she criticized Fairfax supervisors for using Dulles Rail as a justification for approving too much new development. Said Byrne:

    When you focus so much on โ€˜weโ€™re going to expand zoning because weโ€™re going to have a wonderful rail project,โ€™ it became about the expansion of zoning and not really about how to move people most efficiently.