• Life in the “Fast Lane”

    Via Jim at Bearing Drift comes a most interesting blog sighting: The Fast Lane, a blog from the USDOT that features contributions from, among others Sec. Mary Peters and even a few guest posts from folks like Tim Kaine.

    Sure, there’s plenty of rah-rah, and I would be surprised if the Secretary, or many of the other listed contributors, actually writes her own material. But it’s another transpo resource for the ever-hungry Bacon’s crowd to consume (just make sure you have a few grains of salt nearby).


  • There Is No Health In Us

    My reaction to the Gov. Timothy M. Kaine’s $1 billion-a-year transportation will surprise no one. I’ve spent years making the case that transportation funding should (a) be structured as a user-pays system and (b) be linked to reform of human settlement patterns. Kaine’s proposal does neither. It may be a political winner — I sense that it might be, given the general exhaustion on the subject and the desire to “do something” and be done with it — but it is a public policy loser.

    If this plan is enacted, it is only a matter of time — four years, maybe six?? — before it is abundantly clear to everyone that $1 billion isn’t nearly enough under the Business As Usual model of allocating transportation dollars to solve anything, Virginians will be complaining as bitterly as ever about traffic congestion, and the usual suspects who make money from the tax-and-build cycle will resume their full-throated cry about the transportation “crisis.”

    Here, in summary, is what is wrong with the Kaine plan:

    Users don’t pay. An increase in motor vehicle registration fees and automobile sales tax will raise only a fraction of the $1 billion from automobile owners as a class. Even then, there will be no connection between how many miles someone drives (and, thus, how much wear and tear he inflicts upon the transportation system) and how much he pays. Neither will there be any connection between how much someone stresses the system by driving on the most congested roads during periods of peak demand and how much he pays. This highway funding mechanism will do nothing — repeat N-O-T-H-I-N-G — to encourage drivers to seek alternate modes of transportation or otherwise change the behavior that has created this crisis in the first place.

    As for the balance of the new revenue — sales taxes and grantor’s taxes — there is not even a remote connection between those who pay the taxes and those who benefit from them. This is nothing less than a wholesale transfer of wealth from people who do not drive (or who drive only a little) to those who do drive (or drive a lot). Poor people get hosed. Bike riders get hosed. Telecommuters get hosed. Retired people get hosed. Road warriors who traded off cheaper mortgages for longer commutes will benefit.

    Beneficiaries don’t pay. Investing billions of dollars in new transportation capacity will create a huge pay-off to those who own land in locations where the infrastructure improves mobility and access. Property owners will reap billions of dollars in windfall profits through the increased value in their property. But there is no mechanism for capturing any of these gains for the public benefit. Accordingly, the incentive will increase for developers and land speculators to influence election outcomes and to otherwise manipulate the political system to their advantage.

    Slush fund for rail and transit. I totally believe that rail and transit are part of Virginia’s long-term transportation solution. But they won’t do ourselves any favors by raising taxes and dumping the proceeds them into a slush fund for projects that, by their nature, will require continued operating funds from state government. All we’ll do is increase our future obligations to support transportation modes that can’t support themselves. Rail and transit can be made to work if they are supported by changes to land use patterns characterized by greater density around transit stops, walkable communities and a balance of jobs, housing, shopping and amenities. But there is no provision in this proposal to ensure those things happen.

    No objective methodology for setting priorities. Nothing in this bill requires the commonwealth to establish an objective methodology for prioritizing projects based on their effectiveness at mitigating traffic congestion. There is nothing to prevent the usual suspects with the most to gain from boring into the political system like beetles into tree bark, canoodling administrators, making donations to elected officials, attending obscure public hearings, and bird dogging projects through the bureaucratic maze.

    I am not a religious man, but a phrase from the Book of Common Prayer comes to mind:

    We have left undone those thinges whiche we ought to have done, and we have done those thinges which we ought not to have done, and there is no health in us, but thou, O Lorde, have mercy upon us miserable offendours.


  • Kaine Unveils $1 Billion Transportation Tax Plan

    Gov. Timothy M. Kaine has unveiled a $1 billion-a-year package of tax increases to pump more money into Virginia’s transportation system. As it is the only comprehensive proposal on the table for addressing Virginia’s long-term transportation needs, it will set the terms of debate when the General Assembly convenes June 23 in a special session on transportation.

    I’ll save the commentary later. Here are the highlights of the proposal as outlined by the governor:

    Statewide tax hikes. Depicting Virginia as facing a “shortfall in highway maintenance funding” that drains money from new road construction, Kaine spins his proposed tax increases as an investment in “safety.” Most highway maintenance funding goes to addressing safety issues โ€“ “repair and operation of bridges, tunnels, traffic signals, and streetlights, as well as installation of guard rails and rumble strips, and plowing and paving the third largest highway system in the U.S.” The governor proposes:

    • Increasing the existing statewide motor vehicles sales tax from 3 percent to 4 percent and dedicating all motor vehicle sales tax funds to maintenance;
    • Increasing the statewide annual vehicle registration fee by $10 and dedicating those funds to maintenance.

    The General Assembly approved both of those increases on a regional basis in HB 3202 last year, the governor noted.

    NoVa and Hampton Roads tax hikes. To address traffic in the two most congested regions of the state, the governor’s plan would fund “critical, targeted projects” through new funds raised on a regional level. They include:

    • Increasing the retail sales tax in both regions by 1 percent (exempting food and drugs);
    • Dedicating regional sales taxes to the Northern Virginia Transportation Authority, consistent with current law; and
    • Dedicating regional sales taxes to seven regional projects in Hampton Roads, including the Hampton Roads Bridge Tunnel, while abolishing the Hampton Roads Transportation Authority.

    Transportation Change Fund. Acknowleding that Virginia’s transportation challenges cannot be addressed by roads and highways alone, the Governor proposes creating a special fund to pay for mass transit, rail and “innovative solutions” like teleworking and ridesharing. Three-quarters of this fund would be dedicated to transit and rail projects, increasing transit and rail investment by over 30 percent. The fund also would make dollars available for transportation projects to support economic development through aviation, port, and innovative highway investments.

    This fund would rely upon a revenue stream created by a statewide 25 cent grantor’s tax.

    For each of these proposals, Kaine proposes a “lockbox mechanism” specifying that the fund shall expire if it is used for any purpose other than transportation.

    Update: The governor has posted details on his website. These include:

  • Transportation Plan – PowerPoint | PDF
  • Transportation Plan Funding – Excel | PDF
  • Overview of Taxes in Virginia – PowerPoint | PDF
  • Video of the press conference
  • Audio of the press conference

  • Vege-Taxes

    With all the chatter about raising Virginia’s gas tax (an idea that didn’t make it into the Governor’s proposed tax grab-bag), this story in the LA Times offers the cautionary tale of Dave Eck, and what can happen when some folks decide to put cooking oil, rather than diesel, into their tanks:

    “All of a sudden they nailed me for a road tax,” said Eck, who drives a Hummer converted to run on vegetable oil. “I said, ‘Not a problem. I’ll do my part. But what do I get? At least let me into the carpool lane.’ “

    No such luck. The state offered Eck only a potentially large fine — and not just for failing to pay taxes. He can also get in trouble for carting kitchen grease away from eateries without a license from the state Meat and Poultry Inspection Branch.

    Or for not having at least $1 million in liability insurance, in case he spills some of the stuff. Or for not getting permission from the state Air Resources Board to burn fat in the first place.

    In the article, we also learn that Gov. Ahnuld burns cooking oil from Costco in his Hummer, but has not paid the 18 cent per gallon road tax (though he will from now on). And, of course, a lot of rogue cooking oil burners simply refuse to tell the nice man from the government they’ve made the switch so as to avoid the taxes, fines permits and sundry regulations they would otherwise face.

    Are they economic “free riders”? Yes, at least under the pennies per gallon gas tax. They can counter that their use of an alternative fuel mitigates a host of other problems created by those who do pay the tax. A way around all of this, should fuel substitution really catch on, would be to drop the gas tax entirely and move toward a more rigorous tolling system or a miles traveled tax — neither of which would be, or ought to be, an easy sell.

    Of course that sort of system might lead to some bright person developing a hover car that doesn’t use roads at all and runs on the muck they scrape from movie theater floors.


  • Need Room for Affordable, Accessible Housing? There’s Plenty in Office Parking Lots.

    Where do we put new housing for Virginia’s growing population? That’s an enduring public policy issue in Virginia, and it’s become even more pressing as the collapse of housing values in outlying juridictions have exposed the extent to which homeowners prefer shorter commutes and living close to the urban core. Some observers raise the argument that urban areas and inner “suburbs” are fully developed already — there’s no space for new housing. But that argument ignores the potential to re-develop land previously developed at extremely low densities.

    Start with parking lots in office parks, suggests a recent study on moderate-income housing in Westchester County, N.Y., according to the New York Times.

    Converting office parking lots to housing makes sense in a number of ways. They’re already zoned for high-density occupation. They’re already served by roads and infrastructure. And they create an option for some residents to live near where they work.

    We’re seeing similar thinking here in Richmond. Markel Corp., a leading underwriter of specialty insurance products, applied a year or two ago to convert much of its parking lot in the Innsbrook corporate center into housing and retail. The lost parking spaces would be offset by structured parking. (I’m not sure what the status of the project is: It did face some opposition from neighboring residential NIMYs.)

    Development that utilizes existing infrastructure is preferable to development that requires new roads and utilities. Likewise, development that integrates mixed uses and connects them with pedestrian-friendly streetscapes so that people can take fewer car trips is preferable to development that segregates land uses, imposes low densities and requires people to drive cars to reach every destination. As Virginia politicians find they can’t raise taxes fast enough to salvage a transportation system that becomes increasingly expensive to maintain with each increase in the price of a barrel of oil and ton of steel, the conclusion is inevitable: People will have to live in closer proximity to one another — hopefully in communities with a balance of jobs, housing, retail and amenities at both the neighborhood and the regional levels.

    Ritual disclaimer: I’m not advocating that anyone be forced to live in the kinds of communities they don’t want to live in. I am not advocating social engineering. Indeed, I am advocating the opposite: Municipal governments need to dismantle barriers that prevent developers from building, and people from moving into, the kinds of communities for which the marketplace has documented tremendous latent demand. The alternative, as shown in the transportation-funding plan that Gov. Timothy M. Kaine was expected to roll out at noon today, is to raise taxes to perpetuate a transportation system and pattern of land use that is hopelessly out of date, expensive to maintain and unaffordable to expand.

    (Hat tip: Gay Leahy.)


  • Dems Favored in Southern Shift

    Itโ€™s been 40 years since Richard M. Nixon came up with the โ€œSouthern Strategyโ€ so aptly named by political analyst Kevin Phillips. Nixon took advantage of the once solidly Democratic South by playing upon upheavals caused by integration and civil rights and Southern conservative disgust with 1960s cultural change.

    The GOP lock on the South helped presidents including Nixon, Ford, Reagan and Bush. It also helped the GOP win Congress in 1994 along with innumerable state contests.

    But if you read Sundayโ€™s New York Times, Republican influence on the South is waning seriously and has been for years although not many have noticed. Barack Obamaโ€™s big win in North Carolina last week only underscores the changing politics and demographics in Dixie. Donkey successes reverberate through Mississippi, South Carolina, Florida, Tennessee and elsewhere.

    Writing in the Times, author Jack Bass notes: โ€œThe story is most dramatic in Virginia, which in 1976 was the only state in the South that failed to back Jimmy Carter for president.โ€ While Virginia Republicans still dominate in Congress, Democrats have won back-to-back governorships and are likely to take a U.S. Senate with Mark Warner.

    โ€œThe trends suggest a region in transformation, with dynamic economic growth, an expanded black middle class, the arrival of millions of white migrants, the return of scores of thousands of African-American expatriates, and an emerging native white generation with little or no memory of racial segregation. The result has been greater tolerance, an expanded pool of talent, and growing openness to new ideas,โ€ according to Bass.

    When intolerance raises its ugly head, it is now beaten down. Witness George Allenโ€™s loss in the Senate to Jim Webb after his ill-thought, racist heckle of โ€œmacacaโ€ to a dark-skinned Virginia. Grinning, cowboy-boot-wearing Allen had been a perennial favorite whose โ€œAw, Shucksโ€ demeanor seemed to play well in the Old Dominion. Well, not any more.

    This is enormously positive change. Yesterday, for Motherโ€™s Day, I took Mom out to a restaurant in a shopping mall in Henrico Countyโ€™s West End. She was getting pretty tired of food in assisted living, so we went expensive. I was pleased to see that many of the families enjoying the pricey holiday specials were African-American. It was a scene hard to imagine 25 years ago when I last lived in Richmond.


  • White Women Rule

    Well, white women may not rule yet, but they will. Give them 25 years. Think of Hillary Clinton as a leading indicator: It doesn’t look like she’ll win the 2008 Democratic nomination, but she’s paving the way for the next generation.

    I got a glimpse of the next generation at the Phi Beta Kappa induction ceremony at William & Mary held in the Wren Chapel yesterday. One of my daughters, I’m proud to say, was among the 43 graduates honored. (Some 40 other students were inducted as well last fall, bringing the total to seven percent of the senior class.) Phi Beta Kappa represents the cream of the crop: students who demonstrated either outstanding leadership or academic abilities.

    Two thirds of the inductees last evening were women. Nearly all were white. One young woman had a Vietnamese name; two honorees had what appeared to be Hispanic surnames but were pigmentally indistinguishable from the rest. (For those interested in regional disparities, out-of-state students were well represented among the group, but most of the Virginia students came from Northern Virginia.)

    William & Mary is one of the nation’s leading universities, and its top-performing students are likely to ascend into the ranks of the business, professional and political elite (unless they pursue graduate degrees in arcane, dead-end fields like linguistics, grrrrr, but I won’t mention any names). Of course, W&M is only one school, and it may not be typical of what’s happening nationally. Virginia has a relatively small Asian population, and I suspect that students of East Asian and South Asian ancestry, like white women in Virginia, may be over-represented among the academic elite elsewhere.

    Regardless, of the major demographic groups here in Virginia, white women are attending college in the greatest numbers. And, it appears, they are excelling in the greatest numbers. Young white women are entering the adult world best equipped with the cultural attributes and educational backgrounds required to succeed in an increasingly global, knowledge-intensive economy. Some people may take pleasure at the impending comeuppance for white males, who will be hard-pressed to maintain their traditional dominance, but for anyone hoping that Virginia’s top ranks will make more room for minorities, the Phi Beta Kappa indicator does not look promising.


  • 5th Installment on SuperCapitalism

    Perhaps the last Installment on โ€œSupercapitalismโ€, by Robert Reich. If I missed some key point of the book, please advise and I’ll post again.

    The issue is money and influence. Power to move power. Itโ€™s as old as governments are in ancient civilizations and as American as apple pie. The difference in the transforming Information Era economy is how much money there is to influence politics and who has access to vast sums of money.

    Sidebar: (I didnโ€™t think that big money could matter that much in the very short election season following Rep. Jo Ann Davisโ€™s untimely death last year. Old party horse that I am, I was shocked still to find out how much money could be spent in the 3 weeks I was a politician running for her seat โ€“ and how much huge money meant to key activists.)

    Consider the problem of scale โ€“ big money. The money wonโ€™t go away. Prohibiting the sale of alcohol would be more effective (and we know how that worked) than every foolish attempt to ban money from politics. Money canโ€™t be separated from power anymore than sex can be taken out of prostitution.

    Virginia canโ€™t fix the dysfunctional federal electoral legislation, like McCain-Feingold (or the extended Voting Rights Act for that matter). Yet, our Commonwealth can keep and improve the openness and easy access to information for our elections. Sunshine is the best disinfectant.

    Consider the problem of concentration of power โ€“ who has the money. It can be very wealthy persons, corporations, unions, or advocacy groups (ostensibly yet laughably โ€˜non-profitโ€™). If it is impossible to prevent them from using their accumulated wealth, then perhaps the remedy is to redistribute the resources they are willing to spend to buy power. Tax every contribution, fund-raising events themselves, services and the assets of every registered lobbying organization. Tax like a Democrat with a grudge.

    If you tax at a high rate you increase the opportunity cost to pay to play for power. The government can use those taxes for more audit capabilities to the point of diminishing returns. Perhaps, the rest of the taxes could be put into a pot for a vox populi – to pay for public access multi-media. The rules for access, obviously, will open and close doors for participation in the political process.

    As long as humans remain human, buying influence will be part of politics. The real issue is how legislation and moral suasion shape โ€œwho gets whatโ€ – which is Lasswellโ€™s classic definition of โ€˜politics.โ€™

    Begin with electing Virginians to Congress who will repeal the worst and most odious election laws. Then, push towards openness, freedom and accountability in the pursuit of paying for power. Consider the taxing and redistribution of the resources spent on influence.


  • Looming Disaster in Allegheny Power Territory?

    The millions of Virginians living in Dominion Virginia Power service territory aren’t the only ones facing onerous rate increases in the near future. Potomac Edison, a subsidiary of Allegheny Power, which supplies electricity to Winchester and several nearby counties, has asked the State Corporation Commission to raise rates to stave off an impending financial disaster.

    At one point Allegheny was losing $100,000 a day and stands to lose up to $100 million, reports Garren Shipley with the Northern Virginia Daily. Those losses are unsustainable for a company that generates only $187 million a year in revenues in Virginia. If the SCC grants Allegheny the rate relief it requests, the average retail electric bill could increase from $70 to $90 monthly.

    Allegheny’s financial crisis traces its roots to the re-regulation of electric power in Virginia. Potomac Edison had a power purchase agreement with another Allegheny subsidiary to meet its obligations at capped rates through July 1, 2007. After that date, Potomac Edison was planning to buy power at market prices, which it expected to be able to pass through to customers. But the General Assembly re-regulated the power industry that year, extending the caps on electric rates through December 31, 2008. That left Potomac Edison in a position where it had to buy expensive electricity on the open market but continue to supply it to customers at the old, capped rate.

    Anticipating the problem, Potomac Edison filed with the SCC to raise rates by 20 percent to recover the estimated costs for power it purchased after July 1. The SCC rejected the request on the grounds that Allegheny had voluntarily transferred its electric generating units to a different subsidiary back in 2000 and had agreed to roll its purchased power costs into its base rates. Potomac Edison is appealing that decision to the Virginia Supreme Court.

    Allegheny then filed an application for a smaller increase, contending that it was entitled to recover $42.3 million on grounds too technical to explain here. The SCC granted $9.5 million a year in relief, but rejected the rest of the request.

    Meanwhile, Potomac Edison is hemorrhaging cash, and the company is issuing dire warnings. States the annual report:

    At this time, there can be no assurance that Potomac Edison will be able to recover most of the cost of power purchases in excess of the capped generation rates. … The inability to recover such costs is expected to have a significantly negative effect on Potomac Edisonโ€™s income and cash flows … which in turn may have an adverse effect on its overall business, results of operations and financial condition.

    Potomac Edisonโ€™s management is currently reevaluating planned capital and other expenditures and may postpone or eliminate all or a portion of those expenditures or take other measures in response to the expected negative impact of these regulatory decisions.

    Consumers in Potomac Edison territory no doubt appreciate the lower electric rates. But they may not be terribly happy if the company curtails its ability to respond to ice storms, wind storms or other power outages, or if it lacks the capacity to upgrade sub-stations to serve new subdivisions. Things could get ugly.


  • Is Bill Howell the Last Lawmaker Left Who Cares About Sprawl?

    While political maneuvers swirling around transportation taxes garner the newspaper headlines, some members of the General Assembly are quietly working to address critical issues that shape the transportation debate: the financing of roads, schools and other public improvements through proffers and impact fees.

    In a letter addressed to key industry and conservation groups, House Speaker William J. Howell, R-Stafford, has outlined some of the key issues. Writes Howell:

    It is fair to say that members of [the House of Delegates] understand and are sympathetic with industry concerns about housing affordability and the affects of the current cash proffer system. Members also recognize, however, that local governments may have few alternatives to replace the cash proffer payments they are now receiving, and that any change in the existing proffer system must therefore provide an effective avenue to meet infrastructure requirements. Further, the ongoing strain on existing infrastructure and land conservation efforts caused by increased sprawl bring additional challenges to the table which, in my opinion, must be a part of any solution.

    Howell notes that the House Rules Committee voted to widen the scope of a two-year study on proffer reform to encompass the larger set of issues. He continues:

    To be truly successful, I believe the outcome of the discussions should recognize what the General Assembly was trying to accomplish when it passed the forward-looking land-use portions of the Comprehensive Transportation Funding and Reform Act of 2007 (House Bill 3202), which I patroned last year. Specifically, we charted a new way forward toward more efficient and compact growth management, which preserves open space outside of designated urban development areas. Virginia state law and public policy now embraces the fact that neither the state nor local governments can afford to continue development practices of the past that sometimes resulted in unbridled sprawl.

    Howell is clearly on the right track, although he hasn’t quiiiiite stretched his thinking as far as it needs to go. Not only should proffers and impact fees be considered in the large context of land use and governance structure, so should transportation funding. But he appears to be light-miles ahead of Virginia’s other political heavy weights.

    Sadly, Gov. Kaine, who once campaigned on making the transportation-land use connection, appears to have abandoned the cause. Sen. Majority Leader Richard Saslaw, D-Fairfax, has no discernible interest in the issue. Howell may be Virginia’s only hope.


  • Dominion’s Rate Hike and the End of the Cheap Energy Era

    Not only are cheap petroleum and gasoline relics of a bygone economic era, so is cheap electrical power. Citing explosive increases in the price of energy prices globally, Dominion Electric Power has filed for permission to pass on $1.1 billion a year in energy costs to its rate payers. On average, consumers will see electric rates rise 18.3 percent. (Additionally, the utility is requesting reimbursement for another $697 million in unbilled fuel costs from years past, which it proposes collecting over three years.)

    Inevitably, we’ll hear carping from “consumer” advocates that Dominion is ripping everyone off. To deal with those concerns, the power company has proposed several measures to buffer consumers from financial hardship, which I won’t dwell on here. For details, look for coverage in your local newspaper.

    These rate increases are not concocted by greedy utility executives. They reflect fundamental shifts in the supply and demand for energy: relentlessly rising demand combined with constrained supplies. There is no way around it: Energy is getting much more expensive, and there is no way to protect consumers from that harsh reality. Before I delve into the details of Dominion’s situation, permit me to quote a statement made yesterday by Peter T. Socha, CEO of Richmond-based James River Coal, in that company’s 1Q quarterly report:

    The first quarter of 2008 will be remembered as a watershed period for the coal industry. For the first time, it became clear to the general public that large developing economies around the world have a voracious and growing appetite for all commodities, including coal. It also became clear that the coal industry in the United States will play a much greater role in meeting the world’s demand for coal.

    The reason I quote Socha is to assure readers that Dominion is not fabricating a crisis here. In truth, Virginia consumers remain better off than most.

    Dominion has a balanced fuel mix, which is designed to reduce the exposure of consumers to spikes in the price of any one fuel. Trouble is, energy prices are rising across the board. Here is a list of Dominion’s energy sources, including the share of the energy source in the power company’s energy mix, and the percentage increase in the cost of that fuel since 2004:

    Coal — 46% of the fuel mix, up 143 percent
    Nuclear — 42% of the fuel mix, up 14 percent
    Natural gas — 7% of the fuel mix, up 129 percent
    No. 6 fuel oil — 1% of the fuel mix, up 224 percent

    Hydro, biomass, wind and other renewable energy sources also account for a small portion of Dominion’s fuel mix. The utility also buys electricity from other companies, both from within the state and outside of it. Purchased power, which accounts for 28 percent of the company’s power supplies, has increased 130 percent in cost.

    Electric consumers can be darn thankful that nuclear power is a major component of the energy mix. Even though the price of yellowcake (unprocessed uranium) has soared 400 percent since 2004, the cost of the raw material constitutes a relatively small portion of its delivered cost to Dominion. The uranium must be extensively enriched and fabricated, and the cost of those processes have increased only modestly, says Dominion Virginia Power President David Heacock.

    That’s the past. What about the future? The good news is that Dominion is far along in the permitting process to expand its nuclear power capability at North Anna. “North Anna Three would be a good option for us,” Heacock says. That facility would provide about 1/3 of the projected 4,000 kilowatts in additional capacity the company sees as necessary over the next decade.

    Meanwhile, coal prices will continue to increase. Dominion has buffered itself against price hikes through long-term contracts with coal producers. But as those contracts expire, they will be replaced by contracts at higher prices. No one is expecting much relief in oil or natural gas prices. While alternate fuels are an option, they still are not price competitive with coal or nukes, Heacock says. “As fossil fuel costs goes up,” he says, “it tilts the balance to renewable energy. But, for the most part, renewables are not competitive. Wind fuel is best. But our customers don’t always use power on the same schedule as the wind blows.”

    One more note, which for the sake of brevity I will mention only in passing here: The cost of fuel at the proposed “hybrid energy” plant in Wise County would be highly competitive. I had always assumed that, because its use was mandated by the General Assembly, Virginia coal sources would not be price competitive. But Heacock insists they are. But that’s a subject for another post.


  • Fredericksburg Voters Have Spoken: Bring on the Waterpark!

    Mayor Thomas Tomzak has won re-election in the City of Fredericksburg, trouncing his rival Debby Girvan by a 64 percent to 36 percent margin. The vote represents an overwhelming endorsement of the Kalahari waterpark project, the negotiation of which was Tomzak’s signature achievement. The Free Lance-Star has the story.

    In my my recent column about Kalahari, “The Second Battle of Fredericksburg,” I gave extensive play to the criticisms leveled by Girvan and others against the Kalahari project, which will rebate nearly half the tax revenue collected by the city back to the Kalahari developer. Although the project will be a big financial winner for the city if the development proceeds as planned, the city could be a loser if the developer fails to line up his project financing. The city could be left holding the bag for $3 million in cash and in-kind expenses.

    Critics also expressed concerns that Kalahari’s highly visible presence and marketing budget would define the identify of the city on the Rappahannock by the indoor waterpark, not its rich historical and cultural heritage. But voters either did not buy that logic or did not care.

    The other big victor in Tomzak’s re-election is the Silver Companies, developer of the “Celebrate Virginia” tourism zone where Kalahari will be located. Silver Cos. has invested millions of dollars and considerable ingenuity in trying to promote the tract as a tourism zone with attractions that draw visitors from far outside the region. After a series of expensive setbacks, Kalahari could be the project that finally creates critical mass for Celebrate Virginia, creating momentum that Silver Cos. can build upon.

    It will be interesting to see what happens to tourism attractions that rely upon visitors to arrive by automobile in an era of $120-per-barrel oil and $3.50-per-gallon gas prices. An optimistic scenario suggests that that travelers originating in the population centers of the Boston-Washington corridor might curtail their driving to Florida and settle for destinations closer to home, like Fredericksburg. A pessimistic scenario says that they’ll cut back on automobile vacations of all types. The voters of Fredericksburg have staked their future on the optimistic outcome. For their sake, I hope they’re right.


  • Electric Bill Shocker — Dominion Seeks $1 Billion+ in Fuel Adjustments

    Holy, moly! Virginia Dominion Power is applying to pass along fuel price increases that will increase the average residential electric bill by more than 18 percent, or about $1.1 billion a year. What’s more, the power company wants to collect on fuel costs that previously went unbilled, which would add another $697 million over three years.

    Dominion blames the global increases in energy prices, with coal and natural gas figuring most prominently in its fuel mix. If you ever had doubts about nuclear power, you might now change your tune. Without Dominion’s nukes, the fuel adjustment would be far worse.

    I don’t have time to get into details today, but I will tomorrow. Dominion Virginia Power kindly granted me a 20-minute interview with President David A. Heacock, so I have some good stuff to share.


  • Which Is More Efficient: Road or Rail?

    Gov. Timothy M. Kaine and members of the General Assembly haven’t yet said publicly where they expect to raise more money for transportation, but there’s little doubt about one thing: Wherever the money comes from, more of it will go to light and heavy rail than in the past.

    I happen to be agnostic on the great rail-versus-road debate. I just want Virginia’s transportation dollars to be invested to the greatest effect possible, as measured by objective criteria such as mobility provided, pollution reduced and traffic congestion mitigated. If that means building dirt paths for foot-powered scooters, then I’m OK with it.

    What worries me is that a lot of people regard commuter rail as an end to itself — regardless of the cost or benefits. In theory, light rail passenger trains can move many people as eight lanes of freeway. That’s why rail buffs often advocate running light rail lines down the center of freeways in preference to adding more lanes of asphalt. In the real world, though, rail traffic can be constrained by people’s ability to get to the train stations, and a host of other factors.

    Writing for the Independent Institute website, John Semmens quotes a Arizona Department of Transportation Research Center study that evaluated several alternatives: HOV lanes, HOT lanes, general purpose (GP) lanes and light rail. AzDOT calculated the cost per person-mile for each. The conclusion: HOT lanes that accommodate Bus Rapid Transit have the lowest cost.

    I would hope that Virginia does similar cost-benefit calculations when transportation dollars are allocated. If such comparisons exist for, say, the Dulles Corridor or the I-95 corridor, I haven’t seen them. Maybe advocates of greater investments in rail can point to studies like Arizona’s in their support. But then, maybe the decision to shift money from road to rail has been made on a purely political basis, whether to garner favorable headlines, curry favor with particular interest groups or some reason unknown.

    If the rail-versus-road studies are out there, I would surely love to see them. Someone please tell me where to find them.


  • The Political Economy of Rail-to-Dulles

    TysonsTunnel.org, the organization that vocally supported an underground Metro Rail line through Tysons Corner, is out of money. The group was a major player in the debate over the heavy rail project. One reason it maintained such a high profile is that it spent more than $3 million on marketing and advocacy. Most most of that money came from WestGroup, reports Amy Gardner with the Washington Post.

    Trouble is, WestGroup, the value of whose landholdings on the proposed Metro route would have been maximized by underground stations, has provided no money to the group for a year, and senior executives are happy to see the heavy rail project moving forward. Further controversy would only slow the project down, and WestGroup would rather see it built aboveground than not at all.

    Founder Scott Monett is still fighting the good fight, however, calling for a rally later this month to revive the debate and raise money. I’ll be interested to see what level of interest he can generate.

    Even more, I’d love to know all the money spent on advocacy, lobbying and lawsuits in Rail-to-Dulles. I wish someone would do a nose count of all the special interest groups mobilized to promote one view or another, and then add up the total funds expended. As aside exercise, I wish someone would add up all the groups organized to represent the interests of Dulles Toll Road commuters… Oh, I forgot, that’s easy. No one represents the toll road commuters. Their job is just to pay their money every day and sit quietly in the corner.