• Sun, Sandals and Tequila

    I’ll be taking a break from blogging during spring vacation. The Bacon family embarks tomorrow upon a cruise through the western Caribbean. The locale is almost incidental: Once you’ve seen one palm tree you’ve seen them all. (That’s just a joke, for the humorless among you. In point of fact, palm trees are endlessly fascinating if studied in their ecological context.)

    I’m looking forward to a week dedicated to getting in shape — yoga, pilates, treadmills and elipticals — reading, and perhaps gathering a little insight for the blog. I hope to return with a jolly good read for all those interested in human settlement patterns.

    While I’m gone, I have no doubt that Ed, Phil, JAB and Norm (and, who knows, maybe Claire will make a reappearance) will keep the pot boiling. I just hope the Bacon’s Rebellion server doesn’t melt down in my absence!


  • Government Head Count: Back to Where We Started

    Gov. Mark R. Warner succeeded in getting his 2004 tax increase passed largely on the basis of the promise to taxpayers that he had done everything humanly possible to streamline state government, cut the state workforce and make the state administration run leaner and more efficiently than ever. As evidence for his claims, he could point to the fact that the number of state employees, which stood at 111,993 on Jan. 31, 2001, was down to 105,748 by Jan. 31, 2004.

    A five or six percent reduction in head count wasn’t an especially formidable accomplishment by private sector standards, but it was pretty impressive by state government standards. It was certainly enough to give luster to Warner’s reputation as a tight-fisted governor at a time that he was insisting that higher taxes were needed.

    Then, along came Timothy M. Kaine, who ran for governor as part of the “Warner/Kaine team,” proclaiming that a Kaine administration would maintain the Warner legacy. Shaking off Jerry Kilgore’s campaign charge that he was just another tax-and-spend liberal, Kaine won the election.

    With more than a year in office and two sessions of the General Assembly under his belt, Kaine is looking less and less like Mark Warner. Well, to be more accurate, he looks less like the agressive cost-cutting Mark Warner of popular renown.

    According to Department of Human Resource Management figures, the number of employees in state government on Jan. 31, 2007, had climbed to within 97 of what it had been before Warner started hacking down the size of state government. Here are the numbers:

    1/31/2001 …… 111,994
    1/31/2002 …… 108,039
    1/31/2003 …… 104,291
    1/31/2004 …… 105,749
    1/31/2005 …… 108,796
    1/31/2006 …… 110,642
    1/31/2007 …… 111,897

    (To dig deeper into the numbers by government agency, click here.)

    I can’t think of any major programs created since 2004 that could account for such an increase. Apparently, there was less than meets the eye to the Warner-era cost cutting — please note the run-up in employment during the last two years of the Warner administration after the tax increases went into effect. Furthermore, there is no sign in these numbers that the Kaine administration ever adopted the parsimonious attitude that prevailed in the Warner administration at least during the recession years.

    Bottom line: When Kaine attacks the GOP transportation compromise on the grounds that it would divert precious General Fund revenues from school children, old people in nursing homes and first responders (ritual disclaimer: I don’t support the GOP bill but I hate seeing it criticized for unjustifiable reasons), he can’t claim the same moral high ground that Warner enjoyed in 2004 when he was campaigning for a tax increase. Today, state spending is soaring and head count is surging.

    Not only is the state running a chronic surplus — a point that the low-tax wing of the General Assembly has made frequently — Kaine can make no plausible claim that he’s trying to hold state spending in check. If the Governor wants to convince taxpayers that another tax hike is necessary, he’s going to have to do better.


  • The Bacon Stump Speech

    Charlottesville Tomorrow has posted a podcast of a speech I delivered Tuesday to the Free Enterprise Forum in Charlottesville. It’s a variant of the stump speech I’ve delivered on several occasions in the past two months, laying out in concise form my view of (a) what’s wrong with transportation in Virgina today, (b) why the current proposals being considered by lawmakers in Richmond won’t cure it, and (c) the deep-rooted institutional changes we need to make.

    It’s old-hat material for long-time Rebellion readers, but newcomers to the blog might find it useful — if you’ve got nothing better to do with a half hour of your time — to hear the conceptual framework I use when approaching transportation issues. Yes, believe it or not, the comments I make on this blog are not random, disconnected observations. They all tie together and, ultimately, support one another.

    A side note: I really must commend the Charlottesville region for the sophistication of its civic organizations. The Free Enterprise Forum, which hosted my speech, is putting on a year-long series of speeches exploring different facets of the transportation issue from free-market perspectives. The organization has emerged as an important player in the dissemination of information and ideas related to community improvement.

    Additionally, Charlottesville Tomorrow does a fantastic job of compiling information related to transportation, land use and community design in the region, making information from obscure and dusty corners of the governmental process readily available to the public, and taking full advantage of digital technology to incorporate photos, graphics, audio and video into the website.

    As newspapers continue to suffer erosion of readership and resources to keep tabs on the local governance process, organizations like these two may well represent the future.


  • Stop the Presses: Chichester Rumored to Step Down

    The grassroots email network is buzzing tonight with rumors that Sen. John Chichester, the Chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, will not be running for re-election. Chichester will reportedly make the official announcement on Monday.

    I affectionately referred to Chichester in my columns and postings as “Sir John ‘tax them until they’re dead and then hit them with the death tax’ Chichester. There is little doubt that if it weren’t for Commissar Chichester and his Senate gang of five, Mark Warner would have never been able to enact the 2004 tax increase.

    If Chichester does indeed step down, there is little doubt that another chapter to the era of the good ole boys running our Commonwealth has come to an end.


  • Merck: Doing Business the American Way

    The uproar caused by Texas Governor Rick Perryโ€™s Executive Order mandating the HPV vaccine (Gardasil) for 6th grade girls caused the drug manufacturer Merck to announce it will no longer lobby states to make the vaccine mandatory for school attendance.

    In Virginia, the bill to order the mandatory vaccination of young girls passed the State Senate unanimously. One must wonder whether the members of the General assembly who voted for the HPV Vaccine legislation should be willing to have their wives and daughters take this untested drug, first.

    Merck has made modest donations to Virginia politicians over the years. In 2006, Merck directly donated only about $13,150. Their donations were split 2:1 in favor of Republicans; for an itemized list of Merck’s 2006 donations, click here. In the last 10 years Merck has made 323 donations totaling $196,859 (click here).

    What’s more interesting, however, are the registered lobbyists that represent Merck in Virginia. Merck lists the following registered lobbyists:

    Nolen, Christopher R
    Finnegan, Kevin M
    Pratt, Mark C
    Jones, Reginald N
    Lombard, Joy M
    Bowen, Sandra D

    Each one of these individuals, with the exception of Kevin M Finnegan who shows a Bethesda, MD address and may be a direct Merck employee as his email address is given as [email protected], is affiliated with Williams Mullen Strategies, PO Box 1320, Richmond VA 23218.

    And this is where it gets interesting, because Williams Mullen is listed in VPAP.org as representing numerous clients before the General Assembly. He is shown having donated $95,186 in 2006 and $781,412 over the last ten years. Unfortunately, there is no itemization of the donations by client, but presumably a significant amount came from Merck. (The individual lobbyists registered as representing Merck have made minor contributions over the years, by comparison.)

    In a nutshell one could surmise that Merck created a demand for an unproven–and in all likelihood unneeded–vaccine, lobbied the legislators, and after making some significant contributions to the war-chests of several state politicians, got a bill that pretty much guarantees a market for their drug. Now that’s doing business the American way!

    One must also wonder how pro-life legislators will explain this vote to their constituents back home.


  • School Children in Trailers: Let Them Eat Cake… Er, Moon Pies

    Ever inquisitive, Bacon’s Rebellion has been busy investigating the concerns of Del. Brian Moran, D-Alexandria, that the Republican transportation plan would fund road building at the expense of “holding more classes in trailers, having fewer nursing-home beds for our elderly and failing to provide equipment to our first-responders.”

    (Ritual disclaimer: I am not defending the financing elements of the GOP plan, which I regard with loathing. I am addressing the flawed logic of those who oppose it for the wrong reasons.)

    In particular, I am interested in Del. Moran’s insinuation that increasing K-12 spending by a mere 19 percent during the current biennial budget is insufficient to hold down the number of children schooled in pre-fabricated dwellings, and that only the continued break-neck expansion of state aid to education can prevent Virginia’s schools from evolving into trailer parks, albeit trailer parks with books. (On this last point, actually, one cannot be entirely confident that Republicans don’t have it in mind to deprive the children of books as well.)

    One of the legitimate factors driving increased K-12 spending is the increase in number of school children. More children translates into more school buildings (trailers, whatever), more teachers, more local education bureaucrats and more state education bureaucrats. One could hardly begrudge an increase in state aid that kept pace with the increase in the number of loveable little tykes thirsty for knowledge.

    It so happens that the Weldon Cooper Center for Public Services projects the number of school children that Virginia will have to educate in the years ahead. Here are the numbers:

    School year Enrollment
    2006-20007…… 1,202,686
    2007-2008……… 1,207,360
    2008-2009……… 1,211,140
    2010-2011………. 1,217,478
    201102012……… 1,224,028

    That represents an enrollment growth rate of less than one half of one percent annually. I can’t find any projections for population increase during those same years, but the population of Virginia grew approximately eight percent between 2000 and 2006, or more than one percent a year.

    In other words, the increase in school enrollment is slowing to a crawl, and it is greated outpaced by the increase in the general population. (Even if the rate of population increase slows from the torrid pace of the early decade, a significant gap is likely to persist.) More inhabitants means more taxpayers, which means more tax revenue. It would be fully within the state’s means, even if one percent of the General Fund were diverted to transportation, to continue dumping money into Virginia’s public education system at a rate that greatly exceeds the incremental increase in the number of students.

    If exercising modest restraint in the metastazing growth in education spending results in relegating more school children to trailers, then Virginia’s education system is even more dysfunctional than it is acknowledged to be. Such a development would signal that priorities are seriously skewed, and that someone needs to ask where the money is going.


  • Lies, Damn Lies and Bigger Damn Lies

    Bacon’s Rebellion slammed the Republican Party of Virginia for a recent video ad that twisted the facts in the transportation debate. (See “RPV Propaganda.”) Not to be outdone, Del. Brian Moran, D-Alexandria, has launched a website that treats the truth with even more contempt.

    “Protecting Virginia’s Future Starts With You!” proclaims noraid.net. “Stop the Raid on Our Future!” Reports Michael Hardy with the Times-Dispatch:

    “We can’t solve our transportation problem by holding more classes in trailers, having fewer nursing-home beds for our elderly and failing to provide equipment to our first-responders,” Moran said in a statement unveiling his Web site yesterday.

    The Republicans, you see, “want to pull $200 million away from … important programs [in order] to build roads.” The Republican raid on the General Assembly would “turn investments into debts,” including: “Cuts as much as the entire budget for Norfolk State, Longwood University, JMU, Mary Washington, UVA-Wise and the Roanoke Higher Education Center & new College Institute – combined!”

    Cuts? What cuts? There are no cuts –only reductions in funds that might otherwise have gone to these institutions over and above existing budgets, which have increased 22 percent from the previous biennium to the current one.

    And what’s this about cuts “as much as the entire budgets” for the seven institutions? The “entire budgets” amount to 687.2 million in Fiscal 2oo7. (See higher ed budget.) Wow, that’s a lot of wampum. Only trouble is, the statement is totally inaccurate. State support for the seven institutions amounts to $198.6 million. Not quite the same thing. Somehow, Hardy didn’t seem to think the distortion worth noting or correcting in his brief article.

    This is scare-mongering of the most disgraceful sort. Moran has managed to do something quite remarkable: Make previous Republican distortions look mild If so, politics in Virginia is sliding downhill fast.


  • Wren Cross Compromise

    A compromise presumes one side has merit. I don’t find that to be the case in the the removal of the Christian cross from a historically Christian chapel because the Cross is offensive to some intolerant, anti-Christian bigots. Yet, in the spirit of comity, not compromise, I support this statement below.

    Here is the statement from Leaders of SaveTheWrenCross.org (Full disclosure: I am a member of this group even though my connection is W&M faculty – one term, not alumni)

    WILLIAMSBURG , VA โ€” The following is a statement of leaders of SaveTheWrenCross.org in response to yesterday’s press conference at William and Mary announcing the return of the Wren Cross to Wren Chapel:

    We are very thankful that the Wren Cross will be returned to permanent display in Wren Chapel.

    While there remain very important issues related to the nature of the display of the cross in Wren Chapel to be addressed by the Religion Committee, we express gratitude today to a number of people wh contributed to making yesterday’s return of the cross possible. First, the staffs of the two William and Mary student newspapers deserve a salute: The Flat Hat for first bringing to light the news of the cross’ removal; The Virginia Informer for providing an opportunity for a thoughtful debate of the issues involved; and both for their continued coverage. Second, we are thankful for the thousands of students, alumni, faculty, and friends of the College who signed and supported the SaveTheWrenCross.org petition that helped bring attention to this issue. Many of these signatories helped define the issues and explain the consequences of the cross’ removal in letters to the editors and op-eds across Virginia . Third, we thank the Governor and Attorney General of Virginia, who both made statements in support of returning the cross to Wren Chapel. Fourth, we thank the Religion Committee, which deserves great credit for its leadership and swift action, in particular its two co-chairs Professors Alan Meese and Jim Livingston. Lastly, we thank members of the media who understood the importance of this issue and responsibly covered it.

    We believe that the Religion Committee has acted in tremendously good faith and with the best interests of William and Mary uppermost in their minds. We applaud them for taking the initiative to expedite their deliberations with regard to the display of the cross.

    We are especially grateful that the unanimous judgment of William and Mary’s Religion Committee to return the cross is an unambiguous repudiation of the destructive idea that William and Mary should ever tolerate intolerance towards religious symbols.

    We urge the Committee to follow through on an implementation of a cross display practice that is consistent with those used by other Colonial Colleges with historic Christian chapels.

    We also urge the Committee to follow through on its original charge to examine broader questions involving the role of religion at public universities, and to solicit a wide spectrum of student, alumni, and community input. Following through on this mission is all the more important in wake of the Committee’s recommendation adopted yesterday by the Board of Visitors.

    Specifically, there is still a significant amount of clarity that the Religion Committee can provide to the issues involving the display of the cross. With the removal of the cross from Wren Chapel last October, there was a theory advanced over the last several months โ€“ as late as March 1 — about the inappropriateness of the ongoing display of a Christian cross in an historic Christian chapel. With the Committee’s unanimous recommendation, this theory has clearly been repudiated. Yet, in the 71 word recommendation by the Committee, no explanation has been advanced for why its new approach to the cross display policy has been adopted. We believe it is important to ground in sound reason and logic the rationale for departing from the previous cross display policy that had been in place for nearly 70 years.

    This is especially important since we are a university community, and since as the second oldest university in America โ€“ and one of her great liberal arts universities — the decisions made on this campus have great significance. They must be thoughtful, made with deliberate consultation, with accountability, and above all, with respect to the traditions and heritage that make William and Mary the Alma Mater of a Nation. G.K. Chesterton wrote, “It is obvious that tradition is only democracy extended through time. It is trusting to a consensus of common human voices rather than to some isolated or arbitrary recordโ€ฆ.Tradition refuses to submit to the small and arrogant oligarchy of those who merely happen to be walking about.” When we proceed to alter traditions, a decent respect for public and College community opinion would suggest that a thorough accounting and explanation for such a departure is warranted.

    The leaders of the SaveTheWrenCross.org are W&M students and alumni who had not known one another prior to the start of this effort. We resolve to remain fully engaged in the work of the Religion Committee’s ongoing deliberations about the display of the cross and the more general questions about the role of religion at a public university that it will address. We resolve further to remain engaged in the future life of the College, especially in matters relating to protecting and celebrating its heritage. We also resolve to engage in efforts to ensure that William and Mary continues to be a place that is welcoming to people of all faiths, in the American tradition of religious pluralism.


  • The Devolution Debate — Finally, People Are Asking the Right Questions

    Should local governments take on more responsibility for building and maintaining secondary roads? That’s the debate now emerging from the GOP transportation plan — and it’s precisely the debate we should be having, although it would be helpful to re-frame the controversy in more constructive terms than the blame mongering we hear now.

    Key Northern Virginia leaders don’t like the GOP plan. Reports the Washington Times:

    “Northern Virginia is getting [shortchanged] right now,” said Prince William Board of County Supervisors Chairman Corey A. Stewart, a Republican. “It produces 40 percent of revenue and receives only 17 percent of highway construction funds. We need the state to step up and take care of its responsibility.”

    Fairfax County Board of Supervisors Chairman Gerald E. Connolly, a Democrat, agreed. “Right now, this bill is not workable. It’s a wholesale transfer of responsibility from the state to the localities. That is how they get around not raising taxes.”

    Stewart and Connolly raise legitimate issues: If the state transfers responsibility for building and maintaining secondary roads, it also should transfer sufficient resources to do the job.

    But let’s step back and ask the bigger question: Which level of government is the most appropriate for administering the construction and maintenance of local roads — local government or state government? The answer is self-evident: Local government should take responsibility for local roads. That’s the way it works in the vast majority of states, that’s the way it works with Virginia cities, and that’s the way it works in two Virginia counties: Arlington and Henrico.

    It’s called aligning transportation and land use planning. The reason that urbanizing counties should take over local roads is that they are responsible already for land use decisions, zoning codes and subdivision approvals, all of which affect the location and intensity of traffic. Local officials also have a better feel for their county’s priorities than VDOT officials in a district office somewhere.

    The current separate of transportation and land use is dysfunctional. Local boards of supervisors approve “pod” subdivisions that funnel traffic onto collector roads — and expect VDOT to address the resulting congestion. They approve big-lot subdivisions that require more lane-miles of roadway to serve — and expect VDOT to pick up the tab for maintenance. They mandate low density development that makes bus service uneconomical. They forbid the development of mixed-used, pedestrian-friendly communities that reduce the length and frequency of car trips. They limit development around rail stations that could take rush-hour automobiles off the road. And then they criticize “the state” for failing to pony up the funds to rescue them from the consequences of their decisions. Such irresponsibility simply has to end.

    Once the fundamental decision has been made to align transportation and land use at the level of local government, a number of secondary decisions need to be made. What state resources should be transferred to local governments in compensation for taking over the job? If extra funds are needed, what revenue sources should be tapped?

    Those questions are not being asked yet. Right now, the debate has taken an unproductive tone. (It’s hard to tell whether the truculence of local government officials is to blame, or where drama-seeking reporters are cherry picking the most belligerent quotes and overlooking the more thoughtful statements.) From what I’ve read, the main concern of local government officials is not seeking the optimal governance structure but avoiding getting blamed for raising taxes to fund the road improvements they want. It’s so much easier blaming the state.

    Despite the deficiencies of the debate so far, it represents a departure from the Mainstream Media meta-narrative that defines the transportation debate as a purely state-level fiscal matter. Finally, the dysfunctional nature of Virginia’s governance system is coming to light.


  • Wind Advocates Are Blowing Smoke

    I am appending this e-mailed response from Rick Webb and Dan Booth, publishers of the Virginia Wind website, to my column, “Voltage Hogs.”

    It’s very appropriate that you highlight Virginia’s extravagant electricity use in your commentary, “Voltage Hogs.” You have identified our real problem with respect to both energy supply and air pollution. Unfortunately it seems that you have been misinformed by the Chesapeake Climate Action Network (CCAN). With their extreme pro-wind development agenda, the CCAN folks are less than careful with the facts.

    First, you aren’t getting the whole story on the proposed Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS) legislation. CCAN was a participant in a Virginia Conservation Network (VCN) energy committee that developed the VCN position on RPS legislation. The position that VCN adopted was to support an RPS, but only if wind project siting standards for protection of natural and cultural resources were in place prior to implementation. (For details, click here.) CCAN subsequently worked to ensure that siting guidelines were not included in the bill, and the bill that went before the legislature would have resulted in significant environmental tradeoff for little benefit. For details, click here.)

    Second, claims about the potential benefits of wind energy in Virginia are wildly exaggerated. Your commentary repeats one of the most outrageous of the assertions — the claim that the proposed 39 MW Highland County wind project will serve 39,000 homes. That’s off by a factor of more than 13.

    The 13,666 kWh per capita figure you cite appropriately accounts for the electricity use of all sectors (commercial, industrial, residential, etc), and it doesn’t treat households as if they exist in isolation from the rest of the infrastructure. Given that there is an average of 2.54 persons per household in Virginia, the average per household use of electricity is 34,701 kWh per year. So how many of these average households can a 39 MW mountain-top wind project serve?

    39 MW x 365 days/year x 24 hours/day x 0.30 = 102,492 MWh/year, where 0.30 is the approximate maximum annual capacity factor associated with Appalachian wind projects.

    102,492 MWh/year / 34,701 kWh/household/year = 2,954 households/year It’s also important to recognize that households don’t run on average annual electricity. Electricity is needed all the time, and wind power is intermittent, seasonal, and often unavailable. The average capacity factor for wind projects in August is only about 0.10. A 39 MW capacity wind project could serve fewer than 1000 households in August. On individual days when the wind isn’t blowing, a 39 MW capacity wind project could serve zero households.

    Rick Webb
    Dan Boone
    Virginia Wind


  • Griffith lets the cat out of the bag

    In his column “Raw Fisher,” Marc Fisher of the Washington Post reported yesterday that Del. Morgan Griffith “let down his hair while talking to the local chamber of commerce: The Republican legislator told the local crowd that the whole purpose of this transportation package is to make sure that rural roads get built and rural interests are protected before those urban folks up in northern Virginia take over the legislature and the state, which is a demographic inevitability.”

    This should explain why the Republicans decided to change course and let NOVA and Hampton Roads tax themselves in order to build their own roads. This way the pressure is diverted and the legislators downstate don’t have to worry about taking funds from rural roads. What a compromise, eh?

    Fisher continues: “What the Republicans in Richmond are publicly billing as a helping hand for northern Virginia is really a last-ditch attempt to maintain the power and money-allocating sway of rural areas that they know they’ll eventually lose to the D.C. and Hampton Roads regions.”

    The column referenced in Fisher’s account comes from the Martinsville Bulletin, “Road Plan Debate Revs Up.”

    Who would have thought that the legislators from rural Virginia have roped all the NOVA legislators to do their dirty laundry? While NOVA representatives, like Delegates Albo, Rust and Hugo have been touting the Transportation Compromise as solution for NOVA’s transportation gridlock, they are actually promoting the interests of rural districts.

    The legislators representing rural Virginia must be having quite a laugh!


  • Homer Pierces the Veil on Transportation Bill

    The Times-Dispatch op-ed section has been doing a better job in the past year of highlighting issues in its own back yard than in any of the 20 years I’ve been reading it. The emphasis on state/local issues was evident Sunday with the publication of four columns on the transportation debate. Columns were written by Transportation Secretary Pierce Homer, House Speaker William J. Howell, Sen. Ken Stolle, R-Virginia Beach, and Del. Brian Moran, D-Alexandria.

    Most of the commentary was familiar to anyone who has been following the transportation debate closely, but Homer’s commentary was perhaps the most “newsworthy.” The metaphorical ball is in Gov. Timothy M. Kaine’s court now, and Homer has done the best job that I have seen of articulating the governor’s current thoughts at a level of detail that transcends sound bites and newspaper quotes.

    According to Homer, the governor sees three major flaws in the GOP transportation bill, two of which are debatable, but one of which seems indisputable.

    First, the bill diverts revenue from the General Fund to transportation, taking money from school children and “our aging parents and grandparents.” Translation: The Governor doesn’t want to put any brakes on the full-throttle expansion of government spending in Virginia, and he’s willing to raise taxes to keep it growing. Sorry, I’m not convinced.

    Second, the bill doesn’t provide relief now. Writes Homer regarding the GOP proposal to issue bonds as part of the funding package: “The promise of $2.5 billion in badly needed funds for highway, rail, and transit improvements will not happen until late in 2008, if ever. Virginians who are stuck in traffic or seeking a better quality of life need and deserve relief now.” That’s a semi-legitimate point. What Homer doesn’t acknowledge is that dumping more money into road and transit projects in the absence of land use reform will make congestion relief ephemeral at best.

    But Homer is dead on about a third point:

    The bill assumes that 21 local governments in Northern Virginia and Hampton Roads will enact 16 regional taxes and fees on everything from commercial real-estate and home sales to auto repairs and gasoline.

    Local officials in Northern Virginia and Hampton Roads have said they won’t enact the bill as it stands now. If the bill does not work for these communities, these transportation revenues simply will not be available to Hampton Roads or Northern Virginia.

    But Homer hints that Gov. Kaine is not dogmatic. Kaine clearly hopes to amend the bill to fix what he regards as its flaws. What we don’t know yet is which of the flaws the Governor is willing to live with and which ones he will go to the mats to change.


  • Bill Howell: At Last, a Force to Be Reckoned With

    Agree or disagree with the details of the GOP transportation plan, it’s pretty clear that House Speaker William J. Howell, R-Stafford, has emerged as a political power in Virginia. Outmaneuvered over taxes by Gov. Mark R. Warner in 2004, and stymied over transportation by Senate Finance Chair John Chichester, R-Northumberland, in 2006, Howell has come tantalizingly close this year to winning the big one.

    Howell was the man, with critical assistance from Attorney General Bob McDonnell, who cobbled together the plan despite a huge philosophical gulf between Republicans in the Senate and the House of Delegates. Laying his personal prestige on the line, he went so far as to testify for HB 3202 before the Senate — something that a House Speaker rarely does — and he’s held the fragile Republican coalition together in the face of withering attack.

    As the taxes-and-transportation drama has unfolded over the past three years, I’ve observed, Howell has “matured” as a leader. It seems I’m not alone in that view. Tim Craig makes much the same point in a respectful profile in the Washington Post today. Among the quotes:

    “He clearly had his hands on the controls and produced, so he has renewed clout and stature,” said Charlie Davis, who has been a statehouse lobbyist for nearly three decades. …

    Even Democrats, who are hoping to pick up seats this fall, say Howell scored a big personal victory. “If you are looking at it strictly from a political maneuvering and political success, yeah, he gets credit,” said House Minority Leader Ward L. Armstrong (D-Henry).


  • A Blog-Savvy Republican Party?

    Virginia bloggers are familiar with Saun Kenney, the long-time political blogger who became communications director for the Republican Party of Virginia. The RPV as an institution (as opposed to elected officials) had never made much effort to reach out to the blogging community, but that’s changing.

    Writes Jeff Schapiro in his update on the transportation saga in today’s Times-Dispatch: “[Kenney] said Republicans also want to ‘keep the conversation going’ on transportation through bloggers. Kenney circulates to reporters the Web addresses of blogs carrying musings on the road-and-rail fight.”

    If Kenney has any sense, which he does, http://www.baconsrebellion.blogspot.com is not one of the URLs he’s passing around. None of the contributors to this blog, or the people commenting in it, have taken kindly to the Republican transportation plan. Whether we’re on the list or not, it’s good for MSM reporters to see what the blogs are saying. The commentary on the better blogs is a lot meatier than the 30-second campaign commercial the PRV has been running.

    Anything that Kenney can do to “keep the conversation” going is a positive, too, if it helps disrupt the MSM meta-narrative of the transportation debate as purely a tax-and-spend issue. Try as they might, the Republicans have had a dilly of a time shifting the conversation to the positive elements of the GOP transportation package (and, yes, there are positive elements). My teeth nearly dropped out of my head when I saw that Schapiro actually acknowledged other aspects of the debate with an entire sentence in his story:

    Kenney said the proposal includes features about which Kaine has spoken favorably. Among them: controls on land use and greater accountability from the state road bureaucracy.

    If the Republicans read Bacon’s Rebellion, they’ll grasp very quickly that there is widespread skepticism that the billions of dollars their plan would raise would be spent wisely. If the GOPpers want to win the tug of war with Gov. Timothy M. Kaine over the transportation debate, they need to pound away at the reform and accountability features of their bill, which have gone largely overlooked in the press coverage so far.


  • Voltage Hogs and Green Crusaders

    It’s a good thing George Fitch was never elected governor. He’s doing a lot more good as mayor of Warrenton, a locality small enough where he can act as entrepreneurial change-agent, than he could do sitting atop Virginia’s unwieldy bureaucracy. In this week’s edition of the e-zine, “One Man’s Trash…”, I profile Fitch and his crusade to make the 5,000 inhabitants of the town of Warrenton “energy independent.”

    Besides implementing “green” conservation policies like those seen in Arlington County, Fitch wants to build a biomass plant capable of netting 5,000 megawatts a year of electricity, about enough for 5,000 households, plus 10 million gallons of ethanol. The main feedstock would be the garbage dumped into the town landfill, although he would employ any organic material that comes to hand — tree clippings, corn husks, old tires, wooden construction debris, cow manure, sewer sludge. The coolness factor is very high. But to make it happen, Fitch needs to find $300,000 for engineering and design work, and then line up federal loan guarantees to reassure investors backing a gasification technology that works in the lab but has never been tested in the field.

    If Fitch can raise the capital and prove the concept, he thinks converting landfill biomass into energy will prove so lucrative that the idea will sweep across municipalities across the country. Next to hydro power, biomass is already the top form of renewable energy in the United States. Fitch’s idea could make small-scale energy production from biomass downright ubiquitous.

    Which brings us to the topic of my second story, “Voltage Hogs,” the effort to implement a Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS) in Virginia. A proposed RPS bill, which has been sidetracked by the move to electricity re-regulation, would require electric utilities in Virginia to derive 12 percent of their electricity from renewable sources by 2020. Unless Gov. Timothy M. Kaine insists upon major modifications to the re-regulation legislation, RPS is likely to die on the vine.

    I don’t normally favor government mandates in the marketplace. But a few points are in order. First, a re-regulated electric utility industry is not a “free market” to begin with. Second, there is no level playing field: The re-regulation bill passed by the General Assembly biases Virginia energy policy towards continued expansion of big power plants using traditional fuels — coal and nukes — and connected by big transmission lines. It offers only meager incentives to invest in conservation, energy-efficiency and renewable fuels.

    Third, and I found this to be astounding, Virginia’s economy is considerably more electricity-intensive than the American economy as a whole, which means that Virginia has one of the most electricity-intensive economies in the world. If we were an independent country, we’d rank No. 8 in electricity consumption per capita, right behind the United Arab Emirates, Arab sheikdoms that just happen to be sitting on, or near to, the largest supply of oil and natural gas on the globe. We’ve barely begun to explore the potential for conservation, efficiency and renewables. There are potentially hundreds of small-scale projects that offer rate payers more bang for the buck than the traditional Big Grid approach.

    I still worry that a goal of generating 12 percent of Virginia’s electricity with renewables might be unrealistic and unachievable except at great expense to rate payers. So, it all comes back to George Fitch and Warrenton. If every community in Virginia could find a way within the next 13 years to convert its waste stream into energy, we’d have no trouble whatsoever making that 12-percent goal.

    Virginians are bleating passively as the electric power companies herd us quietly toward our sheep shearing. The politicians, pundits, journalists and other supposed guardians of the public interest are asleep… as usual. It’s up to Gov. Timothy M. Kaine, who has expressed an interest in renewables, to bring some balance back to the re-regulation bill.