The Club for Growth

Phillip Rodokanakis


 

      

Primary Lessons

Winning primary elections against entrenched incumbents is tough, but the anti-tax contingent sent Richmond some lessons that will reverberate for years to come.


 

"Perseverance is the hard work you do after you get tired of doing the hard work you already did."

-–Newt Gingrich

 

One of the lessons learned from the June 14, 2005, Republican primary election in Virginia is that he who works hardest for the longest time still can win against insurmountable odds.

 

Both Michael Golden (41st District) and Chris Craddock (67th District) won their House of Delegates races with overwhelming victory margins.

 

In the case of Craddock—a newcomer to the political scene—his 66 percent margin of victory dealt a humiliating blow to a two-term incumbet who sported himself as a legislator extraordinaire and ridiculed Craddock for his inexperience and “radical” views.

 

In the case of Golden, his 74 percent win over his opponent—the pick of the Republican establishment, which found Golden too “extreme” for its liking—sent a clear message to the moderating elements of the Republican Party.

 

Golden’s early candidacy announcement also sent the liberal, long-term incumbent in search of greener pastures where he could happily retire in pursuit of his utopian dream of higher taxes and bigger government.

 

Craddock and Golden not only worked very hard, but they started their respective campaigns more than a year ago. Both ran classic grassroots organizations, proving once again that primary election battles are always won from door to door.

 

I am not implying that the other five anti-tax challengers did not work hard or didn’t wage strong grassroots campaigns—they certainly did that. But they did not enter the fray until earlier this year. In one case, the challenger didn’t announce his candidacy until April, too late to overcome the many advantages of an entrenched incumbency.

 

Even though they hardly had enough time to get their campaigns going, the challengers managed to send some humiliating messages to long term incumbents. In two cases incumbents held on to their seats with less than 55 percent of the vote—an embarrassing performance for veterans against newcomers to the political scene.

 

We shouldn’t forget the impact of the Democrat crossover voting. Former Republican Party Chairman Pat McSweeney estimates that in one District almost 1/3 of the voters casting Republican ballots were Democrats who had been urged by their party hacks to vote for the Republican incumbents (See: “Recapping the Primaries.

 

Defeating entrenched incumbents is a hard business. Nonetheless, the anti-tax challengers sent a strong message that politicians cannot continue campaigning as fiscal conservatives while governing as tax-and-spend liberals without facing primary challenges. One incumbent hadn’t faced a challenge in more than 20 years, yet he barely held on to his seat by a mere 4.8 percent plurality.

 

While examining the lessons learned from this primary election, it is hard to ignore the actions of the House and Senate leadership in support of the RINO (Republican In Name Only) incumbents facing anti-tax challengers.

 

To put things in perspective, one should keep in mind that the 19 Delegate RINOs who voted for the 2004 tax increase voted against their own House leaders. In other words, they broke with the Republican caucus and joined the Democrats in voting for the largest tax increase in the history of Virginia.

 

When slapped in the face, most of us don’t turn the other cheek. Yet that is exactly what the House leadership did in the 2005 primaries—a leadership that professed throughout the 2004 tax debate that they were fervently against higher taxes and bigger government.

 

The House leadership, led by Majority Leader Morgan Griffith and House Speaker William Howell, rallied the troops in support of beleaguered colleagues who voted for the tax increase and now faced primary challenges.

 

That is indeed odd behavior for two leaders whose very own troops staged a mutiny against them last year by abandoning the Republican caucus. It is akin to testifying on behalf of an employee who just robbed your store.

 

The reasoning of the House leadership is truly mind boggling, yet it is consistent with the total lack of direction shown by these same leaders during the 2004 tax battle. Speaker William Howell, R- Fredericksburg, described himself as a firm opponent of tax increases, but he permitted a vote on a huge tax increase when all he had to do was support a continuing resolution bill to avoid shutting down the government. (Two such bills had been introduced in the House and the Senate).

 

We all know the Speaker is a pleasant gentleman, but he has the responsibility of representing his party's position. He should not allow his Senate neighbor John Chichester, R-Fredericksburg, bully him into an ever-expanding state government.

 

The House Leadership and the re-elected delegates may publicly say that voters spoke out against the “flat earth” anti-tax candidates, yet none of the incumbents campaigned on a message of increasing taxes. 

 

Fighting a heated primary contest is not only expensive but takes a lot of hard work—some of these long-term political dinosaurs may have the money but lack the energy needed to continue waging vigorous campaign battles. They will now think twice before casting a vote for higher taxes.

 

-- June 20, 2005

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Phillip Rodokanakis, a Certified Fraud Examiner, lives in Oak Hill. He is the managing partner of U.S. Data Forensics, LLC, a company specializing in Computer Forensics, Fraud Investigations, and Litigation Support. He is also the President of the Virginia Club for Growth.

 

He can be reached by e-mail at phil_r@cox.net.

 


 

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