Monthly Archives: June 2007

It Could Be Worse: We Could Be Driving in California

Virginia has the 18th best road system in the country in 2004, according to a national survey published by the Reason Foundation. That’s a far-from-stellar performance, but we can console ourselves that we outperform our neighbors in Maryland (38th) and North Carolina (31st). However, the sour pusses among you can take heart that Virginia’s performance fell significantly from the previous year, when it had ranked 11th.

The rankings combine two sets of measures: roadway quality and performance measures, and cost measures. States ranking the highest tend to offer a combination of superior performance at lower cost.

As a generality, Virginia fared well in cost measures — we spend considerably less on our roads than other states — but enjoy middling performance levels.

We ranked 8th lowest in the country in receipts per state-controlled mile: $55,063. That compares to a low of $36,890 in South Carolina and a high of $2,370,630 (not a misprint!!) in New Jersey (Can anyone say “Mafia-dominated construction unions?”)

Virginia was the 2nd lowest state in the country for Capital & Bridge disbursements per
state-controlled mile, 27th lowest for maintenance disbursements, and 7th lowest in administrative disbursements.

In the critical performance measure “urban interstate congestion,” Virginia ranked 21st best with 42.54 percent of our interstate miles congested. A handful of western and Great Plains states enjoy zero percent interstate congestion, but the numbers are high throughout the East Coast. The comparable numbers in Maryland: 68.58 percent. In North Carolina: 72.47 percent.

With 83.33 percent congested interstate miles, California has the worst interstates in the country.

Surprise Hot Story of the Week: Abuser Fees

In the absence of a more compelling political narrative during the summer doldrums, the issue of abuser fees for reckless drivers has become the issue du jour in the Mainstream Media. A half dozen newspapers, plus the Associated Press, published articles on the topic yesterday.

Down in Martinsville, the abusive driver fees have become a campaign issue. Jeff Evans, a Republican candidate for state Senate, has attacked his opponent, state Sen. Roscoe Reynolds, D-Ridgeway, for introducing a version of the law on the behalf of Gov. Timothy M. Kaine. As quoted in the Martinsville Bulletin, Evans said in a press release:

“Of course [the fees] will place an undue burden on any of our low-income citizens and cause many more to simply ignore the law and place themselves in danger of serving jail time. Even worse, it applies only to Virginia residents. That is just not right.”

The same day, someone raised the out-of-state angle during the call-in radio show with Gov. Timothy M. Kaine. The Governor opened the possibility of extending the abuser fees for reckless driving and Driving Under the Influence to out-of-state drivers.

The idea sounds reasonable — why should Virginians be held to a higher standard? But as Christina Nuckols with the Virginian-Pilot explains, the matter gets complicated very quickly.

The fees are currently treated as civil penalties collected by the Department of Motor Vehicles. If you don’t pay the fee, your driver’s license could be suspended. The fees would have to be changed to criminal fines in order to collect from out-of-state drivers.

Virginia’s constitution earmarks all court fines to be spent on school construction and teacher retirement benefits. The bad-driver fees were adopted to generate new money for road maintenance.

Meanwhile, House Speaker William J. Howell has responded to criticism in the Free Lance-Star: The Kaine administration, he wrote in a column, estimates that only 150,000 people, 2.5 percent of all licensed drivers, would have been affected during the past few years. Further, writes Howell:

A cursory check of the facts would have found that abuser fees have worked successfully in New Jersey, where the number of demerit points drivers have accrued for dangerous driving has fallen since that state’s fees were introduced. The direct results of Virginia’s plan will be better driving, safer roads, less traffic congestion due to accidents, and more money for transportation.

Seems to me that we should have had this debate before the law was passed. Bacon’s Rebellion raised a number of issues during the transportation debate, but in the stampede to find new revenue sources, only a handful of others questioned the law. To this day, I have yet to see an an article that quotes Virginia traffic judges for their opinions of what the law might mean. We have only begun to explore the ramifications of this issue.

Challenged in Chesterfield

Chesterfield County makes an interesting petrie dish for studying development. The county of 300,000 residents has a vast overhang of land zoned for residential housing– enough for 43,000 new dwelling units, according to Scott Bass’ article in Style Weekly. And the Board of Supervisors continues to rezone more land, at least for quality projects such as the proposed mixed-use Roseland development near the intersection of Midlothian Turnpike and Rt. 288, which is adding 5,000 houses, condos and apartments to the building stock. The Southern Environmental Law Center is projecting growth of 125,000 housing units by 2030.

Most of the development, however, is small-scale and piecemeal: following the classic suburban pattern of walled off shopping centers and cul de sac subdivisions. There are very few mixed-use neighborhoods (although some are on the drawing boards). The pod-like pattern of development offers very little connectivity between the different pieces. As a consequence, Chesterfield residents rely upon a relatively small number of connector roads and arterials to get around. Compounding the problem, the county actively discourages mass transit.

Despite the gift of newly constructed Rt. 288, paid for by the state, traffic congestion is heading to gridlock. The county lacks the means to build its way out of its jam. Although Chesterfield collects proffers of $15,600 per house on land rezoned today, houses on property rezoned in the early 1990s may yield proffers of as little as $2,000. The state, which runs Chesterfield roads, has very little money to contribute. And unlike Northern Virginia and Hampton Roads, the Richmond region is not empowered to raise taxes for regional road projects.

Meanwhile, NIMBYs, reacting to the increased pressure on roads, schools and county finances, want to curtail growth through such ill-conceived measures as minimum lot sizes that would smear growth over larger areas that are even more expensive to serve with roads, utilities and public services.

What’s a county to do? One proposal I’ve heard is to give the go-ahead to developers of large, mixed-use projects who have the knowledge and financial backing to build well-planned, well-conceived communities. Given a choice between living in pedestrian-friendly communities with a wide range of amenities available nearby or living in disaggregated, auto-dependent subdivisions, people will flock to the quality projects. The good stuff will get built, the argument goes, and the bad stuff won’t. Maybe. The hitch is that the large mixed-use projects are located on the urban periphery and rely upon Rt. 288 and a handful of other roads for connectivity with the rest of the metro area. Those roads will quickly get overloaded.

The other strategy is revitalization of older suburbs, an example of which is the re-development proposed for the aging Cloverleaf Mall just off the Chippenham Parkway. But re-development works only when developers can increase density, and that doesn’t appear to be something that Chesterfield is willing to do on anything other than a spot, case-by-case basis.

In next week’s e-zine, I will explore a third strategy: Encourage transit-oriented development along a commuter rail line running from the proposed Roseland project on Rt. 288 through Midlothian and into downtown Richmond. Follow Arlington’s example in zoning for higher density around the rail stops. And use Community Development Authorities to pay the up-front cost of setting up the heavy rail operation. Read the details Monday.

Virginia as a “Low Tax” State

It’s time to put to rest the notion that Virginia is a low-tax state, or even a moderate/low tax state. On page R8 of its June 11, 2007, “Economic Round Up,” the Wall Street Journal published a chart, “Feeding the Government”, that ranked “total local, state and federal tax burdens as a percentage of each state’s income.”

Virginia ranked 18th from the top — as in, 18th highest, not lowest. Virginia’s tax burden was a hair above the national average but higher than 32 other states. Our tax burden: 32.9 percent of total income. Connecticut had the highest with 38.3 percent, Oklahoma the lowest, with 27.8 percent.

We’re accustomed to seeing Virginia rank better in state rankings. That’s because most rankings compare total state and local government spending only. But here’s the problem: The federal tax code doesn’t adjust for cost of living. When states and regions have a high cost of living (as Northern Virginia does), its nominal wage levels tend to be higher. Given the highly progressive structure of the federal tax code, nominally affluent regions wind up paying higher taxes.

Insofar as state/local government policies create dysfunctional human settlement patterns, as they do in Northern Virginia, Virginia’s political economy is directly responsible for high living costs, and indirectly responsible for high tax rates. So, let’s stop the drivel about Virginia being a “low tax” state, and get on with the business of cutting the cost of government, reforming dysfunctional human settlement patterns, and making out tax burden less onerous.

Where Dysfunctional Zoning Policy Meets Dysfunctional Immigration Policy

I can understand why homeowners get upset when someone buys a house in the neighborhood and then leases out rooms to unskilled, semi-literate immigrants, who proceed to trash the place. Responding to the proliferation of illegal boarding houses, Fairfax County officials have begun cracking down by strictly enforcing zoning codes. (See the Fairfax County Times story.)

But it appears that part of the problem is of the county’s own making. The mortgage on a modest, middle-class rambler can cost $4,000 to $5,000 per month. Very few households can afford that on their own. That is one of the motivations for leasing out individuals rooms for up to $600 or $700 per month. (See the companion story in the Fairfax County Times.)

Marta Reyes … lives with her husband and two young children in a small, beige rambler with a perfectly manicured lawn on Frederick Avenue in Springfield.

Rooms rent for $400 month. She said that 11 people live in the house and that she would rent to six more. Her mortgage is $4,000 a month and, like many who rent out their homes, she said, “I can’t pay for the house myself.”

Clearly, there is a shortage of affordable housing. It doesn’t cost $4,000 a month to mortgage middle-class houses in fast-growth cities like Atlanta or Houston. That price reflects scarcity of supply — a scarcity induced by zoning policies that discourage construction of low/moderate-income housing.

The underlying cause of illegal boarding is clouded by the immigration issue. Most of the inhabitants of the illegal boarding houses are of Hispanic origin (Honduran in the case of the woman profiled by the Times), so there is a presumption that they are here illegally. Maybe the are, maybe they aren’t, I don’t know. If they are illegal, they shouldn’t be here — which means that we need to repair our dysfunctional immigration policy, too.

Update: The City of Winchester, population 25,000, has received 94 overcrowding complaints since July 2006, according to the Winchester Star.

Five Bikers, Two Miles, $16 Million

I’m a big fan of bike lanes, as Bacon’s Rebellion readers know — but there are limits to how much money we should spend on them. Apparently, the Chesapeake City Council agrees. Yesterday the council voted to reverse a previous decision to build a two-mile, $16 million bike path paralleling a road that currently has only five bikers per day. (See today’s article in the Virginian-Pilot.)

As Virginian-Pilot columnist Kerry Dougherty railed last week:

Despite the price, all but one council member at the meeting merrily voted “yes.” And why not? The cash wasn’t coming out of Chesapeake’s coffers. This would be mostly federal and state transportation dollars.

Defending his affirmative vote, Vice Mayor Dwight Parker explained that Chesapeake couldn’t use the $16 million for anything but the bike path. “If we don’t use it,” he told me. “We lose it.” Sheesh.

That’s the quality of decision making you get when the federal government doles out money with all sorts of strings attached. The feds ought to get out of the local transportation funding business and stick to projects of national significance. It’s not clear what the state’s role was in this narrowly averted fiasco, but whatever it was, it suggests that someone is not doing a very good job of prioritizing the investment of scarce state tax dollars. Let’s hope that the NoVa and Hampton Roads regional transportation authorities are more careful. (See the previous blog entry.)

NoVa’s Transportation Money Geyser: Sidewalks, Signs and Bike Lanes

As the Northern Virginia Transportation Authority prepares to approve a slew of taxes and fees expected to yield $300 million a year, the first new projects in the pipeline are coming into view. According to the Fairfax County Times, a $102 million list of projects for Fairfax County include:

  • $10 million for pedestrian upgrades to the Route 1 corridor
  • $6.1 million for upgraded signs at Virginia’s 20 Metrorail stations
  • $2.5 million for gutter, sidewalk and bike lane improvements at Chain Bridge Road and Eaton Place
  • $29 million for the Fair Lakes interchange with the Fairfax County Parkway.

Pedestrian upgrades? Metrorail signage? Bike lanes? Wow. It’s nice to know that something other than mega road projects are getting funding. What I’d like to see in addition to the list of projects, though, is some kind of return on investment analysis. Inquiring minds want to know.

Who the Real Ideologues Are

The Roanoke Times has joined a justifiably long list of observers appalled by the prospect of imposing punitive fines for driving offenses — fines that will (a) encourage more people to contest their tickets, (b) clog the courts, and eventually (c) start jamming local jails with working-class stiffs who, unable to pay the fines, will lose their licenses and then get arrested for driving without a license. It won’t take long before these flaws are manifest to all.

I take no issue with the Times’ criticism of the punitive fines, or even its endorsement of gasoline taxes as a preferred source of transportation revenue. But I do take issue with its kneejerk characterization of the General Assembly. Writes the Times editorialist: “Motorists can thank the General Assembly’s anti-tax ideologues in the House of Delegates who refused even to consider tax increases to pay for the state’s needed highway improvements.”

Got that? Anyone who opposes tax increases is an “ideologue.”

As opposed to pro-tax advocates who are… what, exactly?

By my recollection, the Axis of Taxes has been agitating just as long and hard for higher taxes as their anti-tax foes have been resisting them. But more successfully. Taxes are going up in Virginia this year, not down — a fact that apparently has escaped the notice of the Campbell Ave. crew. Likewise, if the anti-taxers “refused even to consider” tax increases, what can be said of the Axis of Taxes? The pro-tax crowd has just as steadfastly “refused even to consider” any transportation strategy that doesn’t entail higher taxes: strategies such as congestion pricing, an end to government mass-transit monopolies and, most important, reform of human settlement patterns to encourage fewer and shorter automobile trips.

At least the “anti-tax ideologues” passed legislation that restructures the way in which state and local governments build and maintain roads. The changes, though shamefully under-reported by the press, are comprehensive and far reaching. By contrast, the Axis of Taxes never relinquished its monomaniacal advocacy of tax-build, tax-build as the solution for all transportation ills. With the exception of Gov. Timothy M. Kaine, tax advocates never offered one solution that didn’t require mo’ money. Not one.

Yes, the punitive fines are an abomination, and I’m betting that they will be repealed eventually. But they might never have been necessary if the Axis of Taxes and its enablers in the punditry hadn’t taken such a hard line and had thought more creatively about how to improve mobility and accessibility.

Eeeeee! We’re Not Growing Fast Enough!

Here’s a novel predicament: Virginia Beach city council members are worried because they’re experiencing too little residential growth.

Reports Dierdre Fernandes with the Virginian-Pilot: “When City Council members approved increased development in the Princess Anne area, they assumed that hundreds of high-cost homes would quickly replace the woods and soybean fields and help pay for much-needed road improvements.”

That hasn’t happened.

In 2003, the City Council approved up to 3,000 homes for the transition area, 9,600 acres between the suburban north and rural south.

In the past four years, the council has allowed for 1,376 potential homes. But by the month’s end, 50 are expected to have been sold. That’s far less than the 700 homes Beach officials projected would be generating tax money by this point. …

The transition area funding plan had called for a portion of real estate revenue from projects … to be set aside for road projects in Princess Anne. A city analysis showed that the overall development in the transition area could pay for itself and create a $187 million surplus in tax revenue.

Residential development a good thing? Virginia Beach must be using a different econometric model from the localities in Northern Virginia. Somebody needs to revisit some core assumptions guiding their growth-management policies.

(Hat tip to reader Steve Horton for this story.)

Whatever Else You Do, Do NOT Think about Elephants!

Edith White, president of the Hampton Roads branch of the Urban League, says apology resolutions and expressions of regret for slavery, in Virginia and in other states, are a step in the right direction. According to the Associated Press, White hopes that the resolutions will “get more people talking about race.”

Yeah, that’s a big problem in our society today, isn’t it? Not enough talking about race.

Supposedly, it’s conservatives like me who are obsessed with race. In truth, people like Edith White — and, it appears, Associated Press reporter Kim O’Brien Root — are far more fixated on peoples’ racial identity than I’ll ever be.

In raising our son, now nine, my wife and I never used racial classifications. We never described our African-American neighbors as “black” as a way to distinguish between us and them. We never referred to athletes or entertainers on television as “black.” We never alluded to our fellow citizens as “black” or “negro” or “African American.” Race may be a political reality in our society, but we wanted to raise Jamie to be color blind.

I think we succeeded. By the time he was six or seven, Jamie did begin to observe and comment upon the fact that some people had darker skin tones than we did. It was a matter of curiosity, though, not one of substance. Lacking a vocabulary to describe “blacks,” he invented his own phrase, one we never used: “dark-skinned people.” To this day, I am proud to say, race has never been a factor in his interaction with friends, peers and teachers.

As old as I am, I find that it takes an act of will to ignore race. Our society is so obsessed with the issue that I’m reminded of the old joke, “Whatever else you do, don’t… repeat, do NOT… think about elephants!” The harder you try not to think about elephants (or race), the more you will think about them. My son is learning about the history of slavery and the mistreatment of African Americans in his school. As he gets older he, too, will get caught up in the U.S. obsession with race. But I am hopeful that as an adult, he will find all the fuss about skin color to be baffling. I hope that he not only will judge people by the content of their character but find the hue of a man’s skin to be as incidental as the color of his hair or his eyes.

So, I totally disagree with Edith White. I think we need to talk less about race. We need to talk more about the kind of personal values and public policies that will enable everyone, regardless of race, to participate fully in our society. The drum-beat of race, race, race around the clock only reinforces the invidious distinction that the Edith Whites of the world supposedly deplore.

Of course, that is not entirely accidental. The people who gain the most from the obsession with race are not the old-timey southern racists who want to “keep blacks in their place,” but those who gain politically from maintaining a sense of black grievance and alienation, and those who nurture a sense of moral superiority over those omni-present racists lurking in the shadows. I have no sympathy for those people whatsoever. They are leechers of blood and peddlers of snake oil, prolonging the very illness they seek to heal.

Mixed Grades for the New Mixing Bowl

After eight years of work and $676 million, the Springfield mixing bowl connecting Interstate 95 with the Washington Beltway is complete. But there is growing concern, reports the Washington Post’s Eric Weiss, that the interchange’s 50 ramps and 24 lanes are so confusing that they could be creating safety problems.

Intuitively, people think that using the right-hand lane will take them to the right. Often, however, fly-over ramps cross the Interstate and take them in the opposite direction.

Weiss quotes commuter John Ulaszek of Arlington County: “It’s like putting the hot and cold knobs on the opposite side of the sink, and people can’t understand why they just got scalded.”

Dangerous driving occurs as drivers figure out their mistake at the last moment and cross several lanes of traffic.

The Virginia Department of Transportation contends that the number of accidents has declined, and that traffic should move more smoothly as locals get accustomed to the mixing bowl’s eccentricities. VDOT is watching the situation carefully and adjusting signage as appropriate.

A couple of months ago, I had my first encounter with the Springfield interchange. I was driving from Richmond to Washington D.C., planning to take Interstate 395 as I had for many, many years. I stuck to the left-hand land, as I had for many, many years. This time, however, I was whisked off to the Beltway, heading towards Maryland. By the time I figured out what was going on — I often zone out while driving, so it may have taken me longer than someone who was more alert — the Woodrow Wilson Bridge was looming ahead and there was no way to turn around!

The second time I ventured through the Mixing Bowl I paid more careful attention and negotiated the spaghetti works without incident. I suspect VDOT is right: After taking a wrong turn and ending up in the wrong state, most people will approach the interchange more gingerly the second time around. Eventually, traffic flows should improve. My elderly mother, who has experienced difficulties of her own, is less sanguine, however. She regards the interchange as just another example of the general incompetence and malaise overtaking our society.

INSIGHTS AND SILLINESS

Deep in the comments on the post “THOSE LIVING IN OLD GLASS HOUSES…, Jim Bacon makes an important point – as he frequently does.

“As I see it, localities (or Regions and the organic components of Regions , if we had governance reform) would not have any more power to create Balanced Communities than they do today. Indeed, they might well have less. But they would apply a different conceptual framework to their planning of where and how to invest public resources. And they would be more proactive in creating Communities that provided for a Balance of activities within close proximity rather than a landscape of residential and commercial monocultures.” [Capitalization and italics added for clarity.]

It is not the scope or array of governance powers that is lacking, the problem is the level at which they are exercised – or the level they are now allocated but not intelligently exercised.

The evolution of functional and sustainable settlement patterns does not require more “powers.” The U.S. and state constitutions grant plenty of powers to governments – and reserve appropriate rights to individuals.

The problem is establishing a Balance between community (public) responsibilities and private rights (privileges).

With respect to land use controls, the issue is the level of application: The Level of Control must be at the Level of Impact.

“Well.” you say, “most important actions have many levels of impact.” Very true, so citizens need a sophisticated system that shares key decisions with appropriate weight for each level of impact.

At this point there is no governance structure at most of the levels of impact. The organic structure of human settlement pattern, and thus of contemporary society, is not reflected by the governance structure.

“Oh!” you say, “that would be too cumbersome.”

Give me a break! If the existing system worked, then for starters, citizens would not face the:

Mobility and Access Crisis

Affordable and Accessible Housing Crisis

Helter Skelter Crisis

Wealth Gap Crisis

Energy Crisis

Balance of Payments Crisis

Retirement and Health Benefits Crisis

Food Security Crisis

Communicable Disease Crisis

Species Diversity Crisis

Personal and Community Security Crisis requiring a War on Terrorism

And the slide toward entropy.

Did we leave any out?

The three levels of governance was not enough for an agrarian society in 1789 and it is surely not enough now.

Existing land use controls are based on a 1926 conception of reality that included a cloudy understanding of the impact of the Industrial Revolution as well as a Roaring 20s conception of the evolution from an agrarian society and the emergence of the Autonomobile in a process overseen by Herbert Hoover.

The 1926 land use control concept is based on an ideal of separation, not Balance. The locus of overt land use controls is at the municipal level but many other laws, regulations, policies and programs are scattered at all three levels. (Four levels with counties, and five with scattered special district authorities that vary from state to state.)

In the 1960s when we drafted an alternative conception of the state enabling legislation [See 21 Syracuse Law Review 375 (1969)] we did not add new powers. We just reallocated them and established systems to share responsibility and move the level of decision to the level of impact.

The one tangible product that grew from this work was our Adirondack land use control system. This system is still working today. It is not perfect by a long shot, but the Adirondacks do not look like West Virginia or the Ozarks or even most of the Rockies. It was a step in the right direction but few further steps have been taken.

The simple guideline is: Level of Control at the Level of Impact

In his comment, Jim Bacon was responding to a comment by a regular commentor on Bacon’s Rebellion Blog. In a later comment on the post “GRAPHIC PROOF” this same individual demonstrates why it is so difficult to achieve fundamental change when there are so many smart folks that live in human settlement patterns and who believe themselves to be experts.

In framing a hypothetical, he states: “Now the land is sub-divided into 20 one acre lots. The reason that these lots are one acre is because THAT’S WHAT THE MARKET IS BUYING.” (Emphasis in the original post.)

The emphasis in the post is intended to dispute the view that, if given a choice, buyers (“the market”) favor by a wide margin Balanced, diverse dwelling options.

I am sure a lot of developers and builders got a chuckle from the “WHAT THE MARKET IS BUYING” declaration. Those who I heard from did.

Developers supply sites and builders build houses because of the outcome of running a complex (but often informal) calculation. The base equation balances of greatest return in the shortest time frame with lowest risk.

This calculation includes, sometimes fuzzy and sometimes incorrect understandings of:

Complex land use control environments noted above

Complex municipal governance and political dynamics

Land assembly and transfer practices skewed by amateur and professional speculators

Loan conditions established by badly informed capital markets

Complex labor, subcontractor, supplier and material availability relationships

Uninformed and misled buyers

Other factors too numerous to mention

To cover their mistakes and minimize their risk developers and builders spend billions on advertising to reinforce myths and misconceptions of buyers.

What is the reality of the market?

For 40 years Same Builder / Same House / Different Location (SB / SH / DL) studies have shown a strong market preference for dwellings in locations with balance, diversity and close proximity to jobs, services, recreation and amenity, as provided by the best of the Planned New Communities.

The failure of Planned New Community developers has had almost nothing to do with the market acceptance of the product except where the project location is very bad – in other words, locations where there was no near term prospect of achieving a J / H / S / R /A Balance.

The SB / SH / DL reality is why many builders are shifting to “New Urbanist” projects and to “Traditional Neighborhood Developments” or at least advertising them as such. The primary problems with these developments is not the ideals, it is the location, scale and mix of uses that preclude achieving Balance. (Reminder for Larry: “New Urbanist” has almost nothing to do with New Urban Region.)

For 25 year S/PI has been using SB / SH / DL studies in the context of Regional Metrics and radial analysis to show the market reality of location, scale and mix imperatives.

One last point:

The supposed “American Dream” of scattered monocultures of the single family detached dwellings on large lots makes up a small percentage of total dwellings but is a major contributor to settlement pattern dysfunction.

As we recall, a study in Maryland found that 12 percent of the new houses over a 20-year period caused 80 percent of “sprawl.” At S/PI, we do not use that word and thus developed the 87 ½ Percent Rule, the fifth of the Five Natural Laws of Human Settlement Patterns.

EMR

Rail to Dulles: Focusing on the Bechtel Connection

Washington Post columnist Marc Fisher has picked up on concerns that Bechtel Corporation, the lead contractor in Boston’s Big Dig fiasco, is the company in charge of extending Metro rail to Tysons Corner and beyond. He adds a few tidbits to the general knowledge base, quoting Sam Carnaggio, the state’s project director for the Metro extension.

Cargaggio understands the widespread concern about Bechtel but defends the company, contending that the state of Massachusetts was mainly to blame for most of the cost overruns. The project, originally slated to cost $4 billion, wound up costing $14 billion. Carnaggio is undoubtedly correct: Governments are tempted to meddle in projects of Big Dig magnitude — and that’s exactly what worries me. What reason do we have to think that Virginia’s politicians will be any different?

Writes Fisher:

The real test, Smyth says, is how closely the government will supervise Bechtel’s work. Carnaggio agrees and says Virginia will examine every invoice Bechtel submits and conduct inspections to make sure the reported work is really done. …

Carnaggio concedes that the price of rail to Dulles, now estimated at $5.1 billon, has jumped several times and could go higher. “The price is as fixed as any construction project can be,” he says. “Some choices won’t be made until 2010; for example, we don’t want to fix prices for the stations before then because costs for materials could change, up or down.”

Cost estimates for the Rail to Dulles project have ballooned, even though the state has removed key elements such as stairs and pedestrian bridges to keep the price tag within limits that the federal government will help fund. Do you feel reassured? I don’t. Either (a) someone will decide to add those elements back in, inflating the cost later, or (b) the lack of improvements will deter ridership, aggravating operating deficits and undermining the logic for building the heavy rail extension in the first place. Take your pick.

Millions for Transportation, Pennies for Congestion Relief

It’s a sad statement about the level of public policy discourse in Hampton Roads when the most pointed newspaper commentary comes from a Northern Virginia. Thank goodness for Stewart Schwartz, executive director of the Coalition for Smarter Growth. (Let us also give credit to the Daily Press editorial page for publishing his column, even if it contradicts a lot of what passes for wisdom from its own pundits.)

The citizens of Hampton Roads are about to start paying a lot more in taxes to pay for major transportation projects that will do very little to address traffic congestion, says Schwartz:

Let’s start with Route 460 and the Southeastern Expressway. How did these roads rise to the top of the priority list, when so little is being done to fix existing congestion? Neither highway shows any real benefit in terms of reducing traffic on existing highways like I-64 and I-264.

Meanwhile, the investment that would make a real difference to one of the worst bottlenecks in the region – additional tunnel and bridge capacity across the James River (with transit) – has been pushed to the bottom of the priority list.

The Southeastern Expressway doesn’t reduce traffic on existing roads and saves very little time for drivers while sending them right back into some of the worst existing bottlenecks in the region. But it paves over hundreds of acres of critical wetlands and opens up a whole new frontier for real estate speculation.

Even more egregious is the proposal for a new Route 460 from Suffolk to Petersburg parallel to the existing 460. The current road is predicted to remain at Level of Service A (free-flowing) along most of its length through 2030. Meanwhile, drivers on I-64 and countless other roads throughout Hampton Roads routinely endure Level of Service F, or gridlock.

Today, Route 460 carries fewer than 10,000 vehicles per day compared to average daily traffic volumes on I-64 of 43,000 to 80,000 vehicles per day in the Williamsburg area alone. Route 460 would also divert few, if any, trips from I-64 according to the environmental study.

Route 460 is predicted to cost at least $1.5 billion. After pitching the road to the public as a private toll-road construction project, the Virginia Department of Transportation now says that taxpayers would have to pay at least $1 billion of the cost. This would divert revenues from more critical needs which could include both commuter rail and extended carpool lanes on the Peninsula. Worse, one of the private bidders to construct 460 has pushed for tolls on I-64 on the Peninsula and diversion of those tolls to pay for 460.

Schwartz’ alternative? Redevelop downtowns and older commercial corridors with mixed-use, pedestrian-friendly neighborhoods that support transit and reduce the number and length of automobile trips. In other words (my words, not his): More Virginia Beach Town Center and less Indian River Road.

I have yet to see either the Virginian-Pilot or the Daily Press dedicate the reportorial resources to compare the costs and benefits of, and alternatives to, the Southeastern Expressway and the U.S. 460 upgrade, much less the behind-the-scenes politicking that moved those two projects to the top of the project list. If those newspapers dedicated one tenth the ink to scrutinizing those critical projects in the news papges instead of cheerleading them on the editorial pages, they might do their readership a real service.

Bravely Confronting the Commercial Transport of Companion Animals

We’re beginning to see results from Attorney General Bob McDonnell’s “Government & Regulatory Reform Task Force”. The task force has issued 63 recommendations in the realms of agriculture, health care and small business. While the effort is noble in intent, the fruits of the task force’s labor are less than breathtaking. Indeed, most recommendations are so obscure that my reaction is: If that’s all they’ve come up with so far, state regulations really may not be a problem.

According to a press release, McDonnell directed the Task Force “to move forward with work to codify public participation guidelines for state agencies in an effort to increase the public’s opportunity for input. He also endorsed a proposal to simplify the manner by which small and minority-owned businesses are registered with the state.”

Nothing objectionable there, but nothing to quicken the pulse either.

You can access the recommendations on the AG’s website. Here’s the kind of stuff you’ll find:

  • Remove regulations in VDACS, Chapter 150 which governs the commercial transport of companion animals that are redundant with other sections of the Chapter. Recommend deleting Sections 120, 130, 140, 150, 160 and 170.
  • Update citations in the state code. A section pertaining to the Board of Opticians refers to the Department of Labor and Industry, “Division of Apprenticeship Training.” The proper name is “Division of Registered Apprenticeship.”
  • In 12VAC30-100-150, update the referenced methodology of the “Virginia Aid to Families with Dependent Children Program” to “Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF)”.

It’s just dandy that someone is going through the state code with such a fine eye to detail. It can’t hurt (unless someone’s brain explodes from reading all the fine print.) But let’s be honest: This is not shaping up as the kind of “reinventing government” initiative that will significantly reduce spending or relieve the regulatory burden on the private sector.