Tag Archives: goozeviews

The Good and Bad of Exporting LNG

cove point 046By Peter Galuszka

Riding a chunky, balloon-tire bicycle may seem awkward enough, but imagine pedaling in a six-feet-wide concrete tunnel for one mile on the bottom of the Chesapeake Bay in Maryland.

It’s amazing what we Bacon’s Rebellion bloggers do to keep you readers informed, but it’s all in a day’s work — just like sucking in your gut when we read your nasty comments.

I’m here in a plastic white hardhat  and safety gases trying to get used to the sense of confinement as we cycle to the terminal one mile off Dominion Transmission’s Cove Point facility to handle Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG).  Richmond-based Dominion bought the facility in 2002 to import LNG from various global points such as Trinidad and Norway.

The last time a commercial LNG tanker actually showed up to unload, it was October 2011. The fracking revolution and the resulting flood of gas negated the logic of importing. Now Dominion wants to export LNG and has invited me along to see the facility. I wrote about it this Sunday in the Washington Post.

I found this one a hard call. The environmental lobby is against exporting gas, saying it will increase domestic prices and better time should be spent on developing renewables.

I say no to the first and yes to the second. Gas is now about $4 per million BTUs, far down from the $12 or so level of a few years ago. When the fracked flood hit, prices went way down to $2 mmBTU, but my logic is that they’d have to export a lot of gas to make a real difference in pricing.

On the second point, the greens are right. Maryland has a renewable portfolio standard of having 20 percent of electricity generation come from renewables like wind or solar by 2020. It is now about 7 percent. Granted, the gas that Dominion wants to export will go to Japan and India which are outside of the standards (Virginia’s, true to form, are voluntary, of course!), but their $3.8 billion or plan to allow Cove Point to export does absorb resources that could go to developing renewables.

If the project gets approval from the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission and the Department of Energy as Dominion expects by 2014, it is in a position to tap two pipelines carrying Gulf Coast gas in Northern Virginia, which is also the terminus from another pipeline running from the north and Pennsylvania’s Marcellus Shale formation where fracking really has taken off in the past few years.

To be sure, the verdict’s still out on fracking, which involves tough chemicals and lots of high pressure water to shatter geologic formation and get gas and oil unavailable before. It still hasn’t been proven that the chemicals won’t end up in the groundwater somewhere and wells can give off methane which can be flammable and a global warming ingredient. New York State still has a moratorium on fracking. Out West, energy firms are slurping up precious water for fracking while leaving farmers and herders dry.

On the plus side, gas released half of  the CO2 as coal does, doesn’t kill miners and doesn’t result in highly destructive mountaintop removal. Only one person has been killed in a gas-related accident in more than 30 years of operation.

Cove Point has had a checkered history. It was built in the late 1970s during the energy crisis years and the suddenly went dormant when a pricing dispute with Algeria ended imports for a while. It’s been up and down since, with other owners. Dominion has agreements to lock in export shipping prices for 20 years and won’t own the gas which should make it immune from global gas price fluctuations. But before one thinks that exporting from Cove Point is some kind of Brave New World, consider that Dominion has all the contracts with two Asian utilities it needs. It isn’t looking for more customers.

There are 15 other export proposals in the U.S. and old field Senators are urging expediting permit processing. Dominion says that only six or so of the LNG export facilities will actually go through. That has more to do with economics than regulations.

Yet Another Owner for Richmond’s Unwanted Road

pocahontasBy Peter Galuszka

Richmond’s “Road to Nowhere” is about to get yet another owner, showing again how the public-private partnership craze can result in unneeded transportation projects while denying resources elsewhere.

Australia’s Transurban which owns Route 895, otherwise known as “Pocahontas Parkway” is dumping the tollroad it picked up in an emergency financial deal in 2006. At that time, the highway that connects Interstates 95 and 295 southeast of Richmond was so underused that it was about to take down the state’s stellar credit rating.

But Transurban hasn’t been able to make a go of it despite tolls of up to $3.25 per car for a short drive through the fields of eastern Henrico County. The firm plans on selling it to a consortium of European banks that have $300 million in debt. The project also owes the feds $150 million for a loan.

The Pocahontas Parkway was the pioneer project for the Public-Private Partnership Transportation Act of 1995, which has been heralded as a nation-beater and a way to have your cake and eat it too as far as road financing. The allure was that you could build roads and have the private sector manage them and help pay for them through tolls.

Problem was, nobody seems to need the highway. It was billed as a way to expedite I-95 traffic to I-64 and I-95 around Richmond and perhaps open up relatively untapped areas east of the city for suburban sprawl development which hasn’t really happened.

The Richmond Establishment is loath to admit this, but the Richmond airport which has undergone a big expansion is not getting the flights and traffic it had hoped for. The Parkway was supposed to have helped promote the airport by providing easier access to it.

PPPT funding has been replicated in other areas in Northern Virginia and Hampton Roads, but a Portsmouth judge seems to have finally put a legal dagger through  the heart of the program by ruling that in the case of a local tunnel project, the state had unconstitutionally given its authority to tax to a private entity.

It isn’t clear what the ruling means for the PPT program, but the gist is clear. Democrats and Republicans alike want to live a fiction that you can transfer the state’s traditional responsibility to raise taxes and build roads and hand it over to private interests. It seems such a sweet arrangement – you get to keep Virginia from having to raise taxes, avoid violating the no-tax dogma  and not piss off voters while getting highways and construction jobs. It sounds too good to be true and it is.

Oh well. I wonder who will inherit the White Elephant when the European banks can’t make it work either.

The Democrats’ Counterforce Troika

Terry McAuliffe, Mark Herring, Ralph NorthamBy Peter Galuszka

Setting up a nice counterpoint to the Republican Party’s strident assault on women’s issues and other social matters, Ralph S. Northam, one of two good options, was selected as lieutenant governor candidate for the Democratic Party in Tuesday’s primary. Winning the attorney general nomination was Mark R. Herring.

The two should be valuable counterpoints to E.W. Jackson, the Republican’s choice for lieutenant governor, and Mark Obenshain, the GOP attorney general candidate. Those two have been noted for over-the-top positions on birth control and abortion that have proved enormously divisive.

Northam, a Norfolk pediatric neurologist who defeated technology guru Aneesh Chopra, ran a freedom-of-choice campaign on women’s issues, pointing out that his profession has given him a special knowledge of the privacy that needs to cloak health issues. As a state senator, he fought last year to stop the Republicans’ pathetic bill requiring trans-vaginal ultrasounds before a woman could have a legal abortion.

Chopra would have made a decent candidate as well. The former top technology officer for Gov. Tim Kaine and President Obama, he symbolizes the importance of Virginia’s tech sector, where many of the state’s jobs have been created over the past two decades. He would have helped draw attention to Democratic gubernatorial candidate Terry McAuliffe’s quest to create jobs.

Voters, however, seemed to say that the Republican troika of hard-liners, led by gubernatorial candidate Ken Cuccinelli, required a strong counterattack on social issues.

Jackson only fueled skepticism about his candidacy at a press conference Wednesday when he talked about his past, which includes a bankruptcy and a spotty career in the broadcast media. His statement that he smoked marijuana makes no difference (who hasn’t under the age of 70) but his continued statements that gays and lesbians are “sick” and his claims that Planned Parenthood led a eugenics movement against African-Americans are absurd.

It is rather sad for the state that such wedge issues dominate attention when there are so many other important problems to address. Another disturbing point was that yesterday’s turnout was only a poor 140,000 voters. Either voters don’t care or they are tired of Virginia’s off-year state electoral system.

The lax showing still showed more voter involvement than the convention the Republicans held last month in lieu of a statewide primary. Cuccinelli maneuvered to have the convention to ensure that he would beat out Lt. Gov. Bill Bolling as gubernatorial candidate. At the convention, the hard-right-leaning delegates went for candidates of the same stripe.

Cuccinelli, Penguins and Natural Gas

pittsburgh-penguins-j-black016By Peter Galuszka

Attorney General Kenneth Cuccinelli’s strange episode involving a natural gas lawsuit involving one of his largest political contributors for his gubernatorial campaign raises yet another issue about his ethics.

First, whatever was a Cuccinelli staffer doing advising a subsidiary of coal and gas giant CONSOL Energy, which has given Cuccinelli more than $110,000 in political contributions? The case involved a dispute over compensation that energy firms apparently do not pay to landowners but are supposed to for natural gas they extract from their land.

One would think that the state’s top law officer would either be neutral or would be representing the smaller players who don’t have the legal deep pockets of large corporations.

In any event, a U.S. Magistrate blew the whistle on Cuccinelli’s office’s behavior, saying it was shocking. Now there is a call by State Sen. Phillip Puckett, a Democrat from the Southwest, asking  that the state Inspector General review Cuccinelli’s behavior.

This is just a long line of odd doings that have come up regarding the attorney general since he started running in earnest for governor without resigning. He is out of legal action regarding the Star Scientific scandal because he owned stock in the firm and took gifts that he did not readily report as required. Ditto the ChefGate scandal involving theft charges against Todd Schneider, Gov. Robert McDonnell’s former executive chef.

No question there’s a pattern. It’s odd that it didn’t seem to show up earlier in Cuccinelli’s political career since he had been a state senator for about a decade. I don’t know if there was a pattern of accepting gifts in exchange for apparent favors then, but there certainly has been in the past several years.

The Virginian-Pilot has reported that Cuccinelli has been feted by Pittsburgh energy firm CONSOL which operates coal mines and gas wells in Southwestern Virginia. Virginia isn’t exactly a major coal producer, but CONSOL saw fit to fete treat the attorney general to a fund-raiser at a Pittsburgh Penguin hockey game this spring. Cuccinelli’s parents live in Pittsburgh. CONSOL also has donated thousands of dollars to his campaign.

The peculiar interference by a Cuccinelli staffer “advising” CONSOL and another firm smacks of shenanigans more common in West Virginia where the interplay between energy firms and politicians is a lot more obvious.

Don Blankenship, the notorious former CEO of Richmond-based Massey Energy, got plenty of bad headlines when he went on a French Riviera vacation with the state’s top appeals judge who was in a position to influence Massey’s many lawsuits. West Virginia elects its judges so Blankenship let his donations flow.

That story ended badly, with 29 miners dead in a horrible coal mine disaster in 2010. Blankenship was cashiered with an $86 million parachute and Massey was sold to Bristol-based Alpha Natural Resources.

The sad thing is that Puckett’s calls for a probe will likely go nowhere. Virginia has never been known for cracking down on political donations. Its policy is hands-off. There is no State Ethics Commission to investigate. The best the state can do is rely on a non-profit, the Virginia Public Access Project, to collect and massage data on who gets what from whom, but as the McDonnell and Cuccinelli cases have shown, that information is useless if the data in is incorrect or misleading.

True, in any campaign there are plenty of accusations. Democratic gubernatorial candidate Terry McAuliffe is a master of fund-raising and far beats Cuccinelli in terms of dollars raised.

It might be oddly reassuring if Cuccinelli’s guile was all part of some cynical ploy. But it doesn’t seem that way. It just seems stupid.

“You Want Maggots With That, Hon?”

Paula DeenBy Peter Galuszka

Free trade capitalists may cheer the proposed $4.7 billion takeover of Virginia icon Smithfield Foods by a Chinese firm, but there is plenty to give pause and the blowback is creating some strange bedfellows.

The major issues are whether one should want Chinese-style management in charge of American corporations given their record on safety and market ethics.

Even arch-conservative Del. Bob Marshall is sounding alarm bells. He wrote in letter to Smithfield’s brass that: “China’s widespread food safety problems are known to American consumers and will engulf Smithfield Foods regardless of the names under which they are sold.”

Among Marshall’s points is that Shuanghui International Holdings Inc., which wants Smithfield, has a record of unsafe practices in its current food operations. He cites press accounts that the firm bought pigs 2011 that contained clenbuterol that was banned in 2002 and that ribs the firm sold last year had maggots and sausage had too much bacteria.

The takeover, which still needs approval from U.S. regulators, took a hit when a few days after its announcement, at least 119 people were killed in a poultry slaughterhouse in Northern China. The Chinese media says that many workers had been locked in the factory, which is a common workplace practice in that country.

In the past two years, some 70,000 Chinese have lost their lives in industrial accidents – a record that make any reasonable person think twice.

To be sure, U.S. firms have had their troubles including some in Virginia. In 2008 and 2009, a salmonella outbreak that killed nine and sickened 666 was traced to filthy operations at a Georgia plant owned by Lynchburg-based Peanut Corporation of America. And, according to the Journal, U.S. firms operating in China may tend to adopt to local practices. In 2011, dust explosions killed four and injured 59 at factories owned by suppliers for Apple Inc.

Shuanhui officials say they want to “learn” about safer practices from Smithfield. And, there could be a case that Western involvement may help the Chinese modernize. Coal mine deaths in 2012 dropped to 1,384, a decrease of nearly 30 percent. Last year, 19 American coal miners died. Of course, China mines nearly three times the amount of coal as China does and a number of U.S. deep mines were slowed or shuttered by market conditions. Not that long ago, however, China was losing up to 5,000 miners every year.

The problem with the Smithfield takeover – if the Chinese executives are to be believed – is that it puts the cart before the horse. If the Chinese own Smithfield their practices and cultural will prevail, no matter how bright a picture they want to paint.

That is something the free traders might want to think about before they follow a Paula Deen recipe calling for Smithfield brand sausage or bacon.

McGlothlin’s GiftGate Connection

mcglothlinBy Peter Galuszka

The McDonnell GiftGate scandal and issues about the disclosure of money and gifts to Virginia politicians has only become more intense.

The Washington Post reported today that Maureen McDonnell, wife of the governor, accepted $36,000 as a paid consultant last year while her husband listed her work as that of a trustee of a philanthropic foundation run by a coal baron.

The Post says that, in fact, Ms. McDonnell was paid as a consultant by the United Company, a coal and real estate firm in Bristol, rather than for the Frances G. and James W. McGlothlin Foundation as her husband reported in state filings.

In doing so, the Post says, “the governor never had to say on his disclosure form how much she was paid.” Spouses of elected officials must report incomes more than $10,000.

First off, the news ratchets up the tension on McDonnell, who did not disclose payments of $15,000 for a wedding meal for his daughter from another firm, Star Scientific, among other benefits. The FBI and the Richmond Commonwealth’s Attorney are investigating.

The new twist includes a new player, James W. McGlothlin, a conservative multi-millionaire who is one of the state’s and Richmond’s biggest philanthropists. A Southwest Virginia native, McGlothlin made lots of money mining and selling metallurgical coal of which his birthplace and surrounding areas have rich reserves.

He started United Coal Co. in the 1970s and branched into other ventures such as golf courses and pharmaceuticals. He sold out for a while and then came back to run the firm which he sold in 2009 for about $1 billion to Ukraine’s Metinvest firm, owned by Rinat Akhmetov, said to be one of Europe’s richest individuals.

Along the way, McGlothlin racked up considerable wealth that he has given away. Perhaps his single largest donation was $100 million for an architecturally significant wing at the Virginia Museum of Fine Art in Richmond along with a $70 million trove of   19th and 20th century artwork, including pieces by Mary Casatt and Winslow Homer. Through his foundation, McGlothlin has supported other good works, such as funding research at the medical school at Virginia Commonwealth University.

A staunch conservative, McGlothlin was a major player in a controversy involving the 2005 firing of Gene Nichol, the president of the College of William & Mary who had been deemed too liberal by critics. Nichol was blamed for changing how a Christian cross was displayed at a chapel and for supporting an art show by sex industry workers. McGlothlin, an alumnus of both W&M undergrad and law school, supposedly threatened to withhold a $12 million donation to the school over Nichol.

McGlothlin told the Post that Maureen McDonnell was paid by his firm and not his foundation although McDonnell reported on state disclosure filings also put out by the Virginia Public Access Project that she had been a “trustee” of the McGlothlin foundation. Apparently, the state’s First Lady made $36,000 — more than a beginning school teacher makes in a year — by spending a few days talking about philanthropy.

Two other points: Ms. McDonnell also had worked in some capacity for Star scientific boosting its dietary supplement products that got her husband in trouble.

Also, as I noted a few days ago, the non-partisan, non-profit VPAP, where many get their information about political giving in Virginia’s lax system, cannot be relied upon if inaccurate information is put into state disclosure filings made by politicians. VPAP is a service, and a good one, but it has no investigative role to vet the data it uses. It never had that mission and there is no state ethics commission to check into filings. That seems up to the news media and prosecutors who made or may not know if something is amiss.

The latest McDonnell disclosure only shows the weakness of the current system.

My Moment of VPAP Clarity

star scientific By Peter Galuszka

Last week, the Virginia Public Access Project held its annual luncheon and invited gubernatorial candidates Kenneth Cuccinelli and Terry McAuliffe to speak. No debate. No questions. Just a few minutes of remarks.

The ballroom of the downtown Richmond Marriott was filled with the usual suspects, including lobbyists, lawyers, corporate officials and politicians. Some reporters were there, but they had been informed that their lunch was not included.

I attended and managed to sneak in a glass of iced tea when I came upon a moment of clarity. VPAP performs a useful service by detailing with sophisticated software and data bases who gives what to whom. I use the services of the non-partisan system all the time and over time, it has become the go-to source in Virginia. There are other services such as the Center for Responsive Politics, but this is the one that drills down in Old Dominion affairs.

Therein lies the problem. VPAP is part of an institution that backs inadvertently benefits from the lax and permissive Virginia-style rules of gift giving to politicians. Gov. Robert McDonnell and Cuccinelli are both caught for not readily disclosing the apparently legal gifts they got from the executive of a suspect company, Star Scientific that is under investigating by the FBI and a local prosecutor.

At the luncheon table sipping my purloined iced tea, I noticed the VPAP program. Its biggest contributors ($10,000 each) are Alpha Natural Resources and Dominion. The former is a Bristol-based coal firm that bought out Massey Energy whose officials are the target of a federal probe that they spent a decade conspiring against mine safety officials and the result was the death of 29 in a blast at Upper Big Branch mine in Montcoal, W.Va., on April 5, 2010, the worst in 40 years.

Alpha says it is trying to correct the defects in the Massey organization in bought but it, too, is a huge player on the political front and has its own agenda, such as keeping alive a destructive type of mining called mountaintop removal. Dominion has a highly sophisticated advocacy operation since its survival depends on regulation. Other big-time VPAP contributors are car dealers, tobacco giant Altria, Comcast, lobbying law firm McGuireWoods, health groups, a few other utilities, and so on. Even NOVA real estate John “Til” Hazel is on the list, but much farther down.

I really didn’t see any citizen groups or anyone that wasn’t bound to benefit by giving legal gifts of jumbo shrimp, lakeside vacations or money to someone in a position of power in the state.

The problem, therefore, isn’t the fact that anything is illegal, but just about everything is and it is peculiar to Virginia. I was amused to read New York Times columnist Gail Collins write this morning about Virginia’s anything-goes gift policies:

“Under Virginia’s ethics laws the governor can accept anything – house, car private jet, former Soviet republic – as long as he puts it in the proper form.”

Ms. Collins details the familiar Giftgate issues, stating:

“Looks like an investigation for Attorney General Kenneth Cuccinelli. Except — whoops – it turned out that Cuccinelli had also taken gifts from the same business man, some of which he, too, had failed to report.”

She adds: “ Perhaps unreported freebies will be a big campaign issue. Although in a more perfect world, voters might focus on the attorney general’s two-year investigation of a University of Virginia scientist for the crime of believing in global warming.”

All good points from someone far enough from Virginia and its entrenched gift-giving structure that is designed precisely to enhance the influence of the rich and elite while pretending to let all Virginians now what is going on.

It is time for a basic rethink and restructure.

Holy Pig Slop! Chinese to Buy Smithfield

hog farmBy Peter Galuszka

For eons, the name “Smithfield” has conjured up rich, salty Virginia ham slices that fit right on Christmas rolls or in crab dishes and with eggs for breakfast. The company that has produced such food for 80 or so years is based (of course) in Smithfield, a quaint Tidewater town the Pagan River just off the James.

But as the food industry has become ultra-mechanized, so has Smithfield Foods’ problems. Back in the 1990s, it was fined $12.6 million for letting hog waste flow into the Pagan River. It later agreed to pay North Carolina $50 million over 25 years for problems at its Tar Heel, N.C. mega-plant.

Although Smithfield has cleaned up its act, or so we’re told, there is unsettling news that the firm will be bought for $4.7 billion by China’s Shuanghui International. If approved, the buyout will not result in moving the corporate HQ out of Smithfield or any firings, but that’s today’s news. As China’s middle class evolves, it tends to like pork products, and the demand to import ham and sausage is strong.

The worry is that you are selling off a major American food producer that has had serious health, environment and labor issues to a firm in China, a country that is notorious for its neglect of all of the above. Shanghai’s drinking water system was threatened a few months ago because the Whampoa River was crammed with diseased hog bodies. Standards are so low that the U.S. won’t let beef be exported, although we get a lot of our Tilapia from China.

The buyout would be the most significant yet for cash-flush Chinese firms and draws similarities to the massive buys Japanese firms made back in the 1980s.

Strict business types might still sound the usual upbeat mantra that China’s a huge market  and yada, yada, yada, but I’ve been hearing that refrain since the days of Denh Xioaping. For realists, the bloom has been off as more evidence comes forward of cyber snooping, lax product safety standards and the utterly venal corruption of Communist Party hacks who still run the show.

Add to the this the idea that you may have gigantic American hog farms in the Southeast or Midwest churning out porkers for the Chinese and one wonders if the corrections taken for safety will remain in place. The hog farm concept sprang onto the scene in the 1990s when firms like Smithfield learned they could mass grow hogs in oppressively crowded conditions and dump their considerable fecal matter into huge ponds whose dams are prone to breaching.

The Raleigh News & Observer won a Pulitzer in the 1990s for alerting the country of what was going on.

Putting a known polluter under Chinese ownership does not sound like a great idea.

How Good Is Chmura’s Economics Data?

chmuraBy Peter Galuszka

In the 40 months since Robert F. McDonnell has been in office, the launch of many of the governor’s policy initiatives seems to be accompanied by a press release touting the supportive findings of a small, Richmond-based research firm named Chmura Economics & Analytics.

When McDonnell was pushing his transportation plan to come up with $3.4 billion road funding by eliminating the gasoline tax and increasing the sales tax, the Chmura firm was hired to research the impacts. The results were glowing: McDonnell’s signature plan would eventual result in 13,058 new jobs and $9.5 billion investment.

When McDonnell and his Transportation Secretary Sean Connaughton wanted a $1.4 billion toll road linking Petersburg with Suffolk near U.S. 460 that not many other officials seemed too keen about, Chmura served up a report saying it would create 14,000 jobs, including more than 8,000 jobs from advanced manufacturing or automotive firms that would locate by the end of the decade at two “megasites” in Isle of Wight and Sussex counties. A little problem: the Isle of Wight site is just gearing up and the one in Sussex hasn’t been built yet.

There are other examples of questionable data in Chmura reports involving the Redskins moving its summer training center from Ashburn to Richmond and in the capital pitching a 2015 international bicycle race. The former involved considerable monetary incentives to the rather wealthy Redskins NFL club.

The economics firm is headed by Christine Chmura, an economics Ph.D. with impeccable credentials at a Richmond bank and the Federal Reserve. Fourteen years ago, she founded her firm and built it up in this state and in her native Ohio. She is a popular speaker on the economics and policy circuit. (Full disclosure, when I edited a business magazine about 10 years ago, I hired Chris several times for economic analysis and was pleased with the results).

There does seem to be something wrong and when I wrote a cover this week for Style Weekly, I detail some of the issues. Style filed Freedom of Information Act requests and we reviewed some of the Chmura contracts. The Virginia Department of Transportation some her firm’s payments, including one for the new toll road, under “advertising/public relations.”

Read more here.

McAuliffe’s Offshore Drilling Flip-Flop

offshore-oil-rigBy Peter Galuszka

Terry McAuliffe’s flip-flop on opposing offshore oil drilling in Virginia is unsettling given that the last time the Democrat ran for governor in 2009, he seemed skeptical of drilling for oil although he thought searching for natural gas might be beneficial.

He apparently changed his position because he’s been with fresh legislation proposed by Mark Warner and Tim Kaine, his fellow Democrats in the U.S. Senate. Their bill would mandate that roughly half of any revenues from offshore petroleum either go to Virginia or to federal conservation programs in the state with the remainder going to Washington.

The Warner-Kaine bill would make Virginia’s cut from any potential revenues more in line with what Gulf Coast states get, but it puts pressure on the Obama Administration to speed up leasing for oil and gas drilling rights which had been delayed until 2017.

It would be hard for McAuliffe, now embroiled in a tough fight against Republican Atty. Gen Kenneth Cuccinelli , to go against two popular Democrats who pretty much paved the way for his candidacy.

That, however, doesn’t mean that any of the Democrats is making a wise move.

There was a collective sigh of relief in 2010 when Obama put East Coast leasing plans on ice following the blow-out and huge spill at the Deepwater Horizon platform in the Gulf of Mexico, which killed 11 workers and fouled local seafood and tourist beaches. Gov. Robert F. McDonnell was forced to shelve part of his plans, notably offshore drilling, to make Virginia the “Energy Capital of the East Coast.”

It turns out that Democrats want to do the very same thing and it’s a bad idea.

For starters, there’s no serious evidence that there is much oil offshore, although there are indications that natural gas deposits might be available. So, oil and gas drilling don’t currently contribute anything to the state’s economy and may never.

What do contribute are sectors such as tourism ($200 billion in 2011), seafood ($191 million in 2011) and the Navy ($15 billion in 2009). These industries and the jobs they bring the state are cold, hard facts. A Deepwater-sized spill could do enormous damage to beach resorts and fishing. The Navy is worried that most of the areas that could be leased would impede combat training which involves explosives and aircraft carrier operations.

Some experts believe that not enough has been done to bring offshore drilling safety operations and technology much beyond the level when the Deepwater blast occurred.

Environmentalists point out that extending offshore drilling to Virginia and the East Coast only prolongs America’s dependence on nonrenewable fossil fuel. But there’s a more immediate problem. Thanks to new onshore drilling technologies, the U.S. is suddenly brimming with natural gas and shale oil. The new additions are turning global energy markets on their heads.

Why go for more off the same off  of Virginia considering the risks to existing and robust industries?