Category Archives: Transportation

MWAA’s Murky Constitutional Status

How many angels can dance on the head of a pin?

by James A. Bacon

Is it possible to create an interstate compact when one of the “states” is the District of Columbia, which, in fact, is not a state? To be more specific, is the agreement between the Commonwealth of Virginia and the District of Columbia that creates the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority a true “interstate” compact, and should it be governed by the same rules as compacts between two actual states?

Dan Scandling, chief of staff for Rep. Frank Wolf, R-10, concedes that the issue is arcane. But the questions have come to the fore in the power struggle over the composition of the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority (MWAA) board of directors.

Last year Congress passed a law, signed by President Obama, that would expand the MWAA board from 13 members to 17, including two appointees from Virginia. The law also required board members whose terms had expired to step down. (Two board members are currently serving even though their appointments have expired, and that number could increase to three by the end of this month.) The law also empowers appointing executives like Governor Bob McDonnell to remove board members with cause. If enacted, the provisions could lead to a major shake-up of the board.

MWAA has argued that it could not comply until both Virginia and D.C. amended their interstate compact. The United States Constitution gives power to Congress to review and approve compacts between two more states, MWAA contends. But the Constitution is silent on Congress’ authority to amend an interstate compact. The issue has never been addressed by a court, so the MWAA board contends, in effect, that it is exempt from the dictates of Congress.

Scandling disagrees. “It is the law. Period.”

When asked to elaborate, he added, “This. Is. The. Law. The authority knows it.”

The District is a federal entity, he continues, so the agreement between Virginia and D.C. is not an “interstate compact.” Dulles airport sits on federal land. The airport was created by the federal government. There are three federal appointees on the MWAA board. Therefore, MWAA is subject to the power of the federal government.

MWAA was opposed to the governance legislation as it worked its way through Congress. And the very same day Obama signed it into law, Scandling says, MWAA hired an outside law firm to advise the board on how it could avoid complying with the bipartisan law. That firm, Jenner & Block, duly obliged.

Furthermore, Scandling pokes a hole in Jenner & Block’s case. In its 24-page memo, the law firm stated:

In the entire history of interstate compacts, we are unaware of a single instance in which Congress purported to amend or rescind a compact that it had approved. Had Congress intended such path-breaking legislation, it likely would have provided some sign in the legislation or its accompanying materials indicating as such. … No such sign is present. Instead, the Legislation consists of a series of small changes in 49106 that were adopted as part of larger appropriations legislation and that contain no explanatory language indicating an intent to change the terms of the Authority substantially.

But the law firm got it wrong, Scandling maintains. A document accompanying the legislation, referred to as a “report,” does, in fact, provide explanatory language that summarizes the major changes of the law.

However, in possible contradiction of Scandling’s position, the report’s language also includes the following: “The conferees expect the jurisdictions to expeditiously implement these modifications.” That wording that could be interpreted as meaning that some other action from the jurisdictions/states was required to implement the law.

So, who’s right? I’m no lawyer. I checked with the state Attorney General’s office. Here is the response I got from the communications office: “We don’t have anything we can share right now, but I will get back to you as soon as we do.”

Murk alert: It gets even more complicated. A friend offers another twist on this issue. Under the U.S. Constitution, Congress exercises exclusive jurisdiction over the District in “all cases whatsoever.” Although it delegated much of its authority in 1973 to elected city officials under home rule, Congress can revoke that authority at any time. Thus, even if the District refuses to amend the interstate compact, Congress can overrule the mayor and city council.

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Yes, the Cville Bypass Is under Budget

Photo credit: The Hook

by James A. Bacon

Last week the Virginia Department of Transportation (VDOT) opened bids for the design and construction of the Charlottesville Bypass, claiming that the low bid of Virginia Beach-based Skanska-Branch/JMT came in beneath the department’s official projection and within the $197 million allocated to the project. However, project foes stated that, based upon the evidence available to them, the low bid appeared to be over the limit. (See previous post.)

Additional information provided by VDOT officials strengthens the case that the Skanska bid did come in below the official estimate. Assuming Skanska meets VDOT’s criteria as a qualified contractor — it has sufficient bonding capacity, it meets disadvantaged enterprise goals, etc. — there appears to be no substantial barrier for the controversial project to proceed.

The total cost of the project, including money spent on engineering and right-of-way, was estimated to be $244.5 million. Of that amount, VDOT had set aside $125.6 million for additional engineering and construction. Skanska’s bid was $136 million, or seemingly $10 million higher. How could VDOT say that the project came under bid?

Because the new project design slashed Right of Way costs, says Jim Utterback, Culpeper district administrator. Instead of spending $71 million to acquire additional ROW, the state will have to spend only $35.4 million — a difference of almost $36 million. The original design called for elaborate flyovers crossing U.S. 29 at the northern terminus. The revised design eliminates the flyovers, sparing the necessity of acquiring land east of the highway. The revised design also reaped smaller savings in land acquisition at the southern terminus, he said.

Does that mean the final cost will come in $25 million under estimate? Probably not, says Utterback. VDOT has to set aside a contigency fund, and it will have to absorb Construction and Engineering Inspection costs. He anticipates that the available funds will cover those administrative costs.

Despite questions regarding expenditures such as landscaping and noise abatement, Jeff Werner, Albemarle and Charlottesville land use officer for the Piedmont Environmental Council, conceded that the project appears to come in under budget. He is baffled by how it’s possible for Skanska to slash out so many of the costs identified by VDOT staff but not incorporated into the original cost estimate, and he would like to dig into the accounting. But as long as Skanska does what it says it will, he said, he has no grounds to object to the bid.

The big question now is this: What trade-offs did Skanska make in its proposed design and how will they effect the bypass performance? In the original design, the Bypass would shave 2 1/2 to 3 minutes in driving time. But the substitution of a stop light or tighter curves for flyovers, and a steeper slope over Stillhouse Mountain to reduce excavation costs, could diminish the time savings and degrade the project’s economic Return on Investment.

Opponents also say that by the time the Skanska design is made public, there will be no public hearings or any other opportunities for the public to critique the alterations from previous incarnations of the design.

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Will Washington Mayor Gray Side with McDonnell on MWAA?

by James A. Bacon

Overlooked in the contentious debate over Virginia’s representation on the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority board is this salient fact: MWAA won’t seat the two new directors appointed by Governor Bob McDonnell until the District of Columbia joins Virginia in amending the interstate compact creating MWAA. While Virginia passed the necessary legislation, which goes into effect July 1, D.C. has not.

Indeed, there is no assurance that the District will play ball. According to my sources, Mayor Vincent C. Gray’s office agrees with MWAA that no new representatives can be added to the authority’s board until D.C. also amends the compact. And right now, the mayor’s office is reviewing its options. Nothing has been decided. No measures have been introduced to City Council.

Governor Bob McDonnell and the MWAA board have been battling over a number of issues relating to the cost and financing of the Rail-to-Dulles heavy rail project. Last year Congress passed a law, which was signed by President Obama, that would expand the MWAA board from 13 members to 17, adding one representative from Maryland, one from the District and two from Virginia. McDonnell promptly appointed two members but MWAA refused to seat them.

The United States Constitution gives power to Congress to review and approve compacts between two more states, explains Philip Sunderland, MWAA legal counsel. That makes sense, he says, because “you don’t want the states getting together and giving themselves power to perform federal activities.” But the Constitution is silent on Congress’ authority to amend an interstate compact. The issue has never been addressed by a court, so there is a legitimate question.

MWAA hired an outside law firm, Jenner & Block, to dig into the issue. In a 24-page review, the firm concluded that Congress does not have unilateral authority to impose its will on the states.

“We shared that opinion with a lot of people,” says Sunderland, including officials with the U.S. Department of Transportation, the Department of Justice and even the Virginia Attorney General’s office. “We are told that there are no lawyers with DOT or Justice who disagreed with the conclusions. … We never got anything back from Virginia.”

In a letter to the USDOT inspector general, which released a report critical of the MWAA board’s ethics and transparency, Rep. Frank Wolf, R-10,  declared that MWAA had retained the law firm specifically for the purpose of “advising the board on how it could avoid complying with a bipartisan law passed by Congress and signed by President Obama.”

Sunderlin rejects that characterization, insisting that MWAA hired the firm “to get direction on how to comply with the law.”

“We’re out to obey the law, not create the law,” he said. “We were not looking for a preordained conclusion.”

In theory, it would be marginally to D.C.’s advantage to increase the size of the board. By adding one seat to its existing three, it would juice the percentage of representation from 23.1% to 23.5%. However, that incremental gain may be offset by D.C.’s stance on MWAA’s decision to give preferences to Project Labor Agreements in the bidding process for Phase 2 of the Rail-to-Dulles project, or other issues.

I have put in calls to Wolf’s office and the Attorney General’s office and will update this post if they respond. If they do not contest Sunderlin’s analysis of the legal issues, I may have to update my characterization of MWAA as a rogue agency. Wrong, perhaps. But not rogue.

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IG Report Highlights MWAA Board Conflicts

James A. Bacon

It seems that “partisan Republicans” and “wild-eyed Tea Baggers” aren’t the only people who have problems with the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority (MWAA) board of directors. The inspector general of the U.S. Department of Transportation in the Obama administration expressed concerns in an interim report on its review of the board’s policies regarding travel, ethics, transparency and the awarding of contracts. Some highlights:

MWAA’s policies and practices are generally less rigorous than corresponding State and Federal rules. Notably, MWAA’s government-appointed Board members are not bound to the same State ethics and financial disclosure laws as the elected officials who appointed them.

Our ongoing review has revealed a culture that is largely unaccustomed to external audits and inquiries by the accountability community. While MWAA has freely cooperated in most areas of our review, Board and staff in some areas were reluctant to provide access to key documents and grant us private interviews with Board members. MWAA’s reluctance to provid[e] us full transparency may be attributable to the fact that it has experienced few independent audits since its creation 25 years ago.

On the positive side, the inspectors found that MWAA’s assumptions for Dulles Toll Road revenues appear reasonable. MWAA will rely heavily upon toll road revenues to finance Phase 2 of Rail-to-Dulles construction.

In a letter to Transportation Secretary Ray LaHood, Rep. Frank Wolf, R-10, declared that he was “deeply troubled” by the findings, honing in on MWAA’s contracting practices, conflict-of-interest policies and recusal practices. Wrote Wolf:

Most egregious are the IG’s findings about MWAA’s contracting practices. … Particularly concerning are the number of sole source contracts issued. As you know, MWAA is required by law to fully compete any contract over $200,000, with limited exceptions. Yet the IG’s report states that “[d]uring the period of our review, MWAA awarded five sole source contracts that were over $200,000, but did not fall under any of MWAA’s categorical exemptions. These contract awards, which amount to $6 million, did not have Board approval.” Not only did MWAA abuse the exemptions permitted under federal law, they issued numerous contracts that failed to meet even these basic standards.

The report points out that while MWAA’s Contracting Manual says some exemptions are allowed, but “comprise only a small portion of MWAA’s contracts and their dollar value,” the IG found that the use of exemptions “has amounted to 40 percent of the Authority’s $589 million in contract awards during the period of our review.”

Wolf focused in particular upon the hiring of the Jenner & Block law firm to advise the board on how to avoid seating two new Virginia board members appointed by Governor Bob McDonnell:

The report details how “… one Board member’s recommendation led MWAA to initiate a $100,000 contract with a law firm despite the fact that an immediate family member worked for the firm.” The report goes on to say that “while this family relationship had been previously disclosed, the Board member did not refrain from participating in matters related to the firm when the issue arose (per MWAA policy), and MWAA awarded the contract to the recommended firm. ….

This particular contract was initiated to procure a legal opinion by the law firm Jenner & Block for the express purpose of advising the board on how it could avoid complying with a bipartisan law passed by Congress and signed by President Obama. Amazingly, the report shows that the contract was requested on November 18, 2011, the same day the president signed the bill into law. It also is worth noting that the report reveals that the law firm submitted its “completed legal opinion to MWAA before the noncompetitive contract [was] documented and officially signed.”

Interestingly enough, Chicago-based Jenner & Block, which maintains a Washington, D.C., office, has collected $78,000 in legal fees this year from the Democratic Party-Virginia Senate Caucus, according to the Virginia Public Access Project. Senate Democrats made it a top priority to fight for state funding for the Rail-to-Dulles project and blocked Governor Bob McDonnell’s efforts to seat two newly appointed board members upon the board. The Dems also fought Republican efforts to tie state funding for Rail-to-Dulles to impartiality between union contractors and open shop contracts in the awarding of the Phase 2 contract. So far, MWAA has held fast in its policy to favor union Project Labor Agreements in evaluating bidders for the estimated $2.8 billion contract.

So, Jenner & Block collected more than $100,000 from MWAA plus $78,000 from the Senate Dems. That certainly creates the appearance that MWAA’s board was actively colluding with Democrats in the Senate to thwart the McDonnell administration’s efforts to hold the board accountable. There is no other way to describe MWAA but as a rogue entity.

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Assembly Balks at Reining in MWAA

Metrorail construction. Photo credit: Washington Examiner.

Among other hijinks yesterday, it appears that the General Assembly shot down Governor Bob McDonnell’s bid to withhold $150 million in state contributions to Phase 2 of the Rail-to-Dulles project if the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority refused to accept two additional Virginia appointees to its board. Steve Contorno has the story for the Washington Examiner. Reports Contorno:

“The House voted 74-22 to reject a budget amendment from McDonnell that would have allowed the state to withhold the funding, saying it was sloppily written and endangered other spending in the budget. Lawmakers also argued that the state could not dictate to a regional agency it did not control.

“MWAA is not a Virginia agency,” said Del. Mark Sickles, D-Franconia. “The best case for supporting this is the lawsuit can start six weeks earlier because the governor wants to seat members.” …

“The governor believed it is imperative to move forward as soon as possible in implementing MWAA reform legislation,” McDonnell spokeswoman Taylor Thornley said.

MWAA, which is administering the Rail-to-Dulles project, has refused to seat two Virginia appointees to the board (along with one from Maryland and one from Washington, D.C.) despite passage of federal enabling legislation. MWAA contended that Virginia and the District had to amend the interstate pact. Virginia’s law doesn’t go into effect until July 1.

– JAB

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How Robots in Parking Garages Can Advance New Urbanism


Robotics and information technology are migrating off the factory floor and appearing in the most remarkable places. Boomerang Systems, an exhibitor at the Congress for the New Urbanism conference last week, outfits garages with automated parking systems. In projects where construction costs are high or land is valuable, it can make economic sense for property owners to invest in the company’s RoboticValet service.

RoboticValet works like this: A passenger drives his car onto a foot-high palette. A robot the shape of a giant gift box slips under the palette and provides the locomotion. Following electronic guides embedded in the cement floor, the robot steers the car to its parking space. The system conserves space in several ways: (1) there is no need for a ramp, only a car elevator, (2) robots can move the palettes sideways and can spin in place to change directions, (3) cars can be parked two or three deep and need no space for opening doors, and (4) there is no need to provide for passenger entry and exit.

RoboticValet isn’t cheap — the robotic system costs between $12,000 and $15,000 per parking space, says Rich Cline, Boomerang’s VP of business development. But, depending upon the circumstances, the system can cut the space requirements of parking decks in half. With structured parking costing between $10,000 to $30,000 per space, and twice as much if underground excavation is required, building owners can save a lot in construction costs or free up valuable space for lease to tenants. Other advantages: the robotic equipment can be depreciated more rapidly than buildings, money is saved on lighting and ventilation systems, and car owners aren’t at risk of dings and scrapes from maneuvering in tight places.

Boomerang Systems, which started as an automated self-storage enterprise, got into the business after developers and architects asked for a more space-efficient way to park cars, says Cline. The first system was installed October in Crystal Springs, N.J., another is going into a condominium project in Miami, Fla., and the company has 10 projects under contract to deliver 3,000 parking spaces over the next 18-24 months.

Bacon’s bottom line: It will be interesting to see how this business progresses. The technology is expensive but in the right projects it can bring down the cost of structured parking and it can free architects to be more creative with how they utilize space. By itself RoboticValet won’t significantly alter land use patterns, even if it proves commercially viable, but it is one more tool that can help make density work.

– JAB

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McDonnell Still Plugging Port Development Subsidies

Governor Bob McDonnell is campaigning hard for an amendment to the 2013-2014 budget that would provide grants to companies locating in the Port of Virginia Economic and Infrastructure Development Zone. A press release from the Governor’s Office lists more than 30 local governments, Chambers of Commerce and other groups, from the Virginia Manufacturers Association to the International Longshoreman’s Association, that support the measure.

The General Assembly had rejected an earlier proposal that offered tax credits on the grounds that tax credits are harder to track than grants. Grants would range between $1,000 per new job for companies that create 25 or more new jobs to $3,000 per job for companies that create 100 or more jobs. Companies involved in distribution, manufacturing, warehousing, wholesaling and the maritime sector would qualify. Total grants would not exceed $5 million in any year.

McDonnell offered this rationale: “Businesses, local governments, and citizens all across the Commonwealth recognize the tremendous importance of the Port of Virginia and its role in spurring economic development and job creation. As we look forward over the rest of this decade, this impact is project to grow tremendously. To realize this growth potential, however, we have to level the playing field with our competitors and incentive the distribution, manufacturing, multi-modal, warehousing and other types of facilities necessary to support a major international port to come to Virginia. Without these types of incentives, the economic development and job creation opportunities surrounding our port will go elsewhere and our competitors will continue to grow.”

Focus on the words “support a major international port to come to Virginia.”

What is this? Is an international corporation considering building a new port in Virginia? If so, who is this entity? Where would they build? Is this entity playing Virginia off against other states? Can we get a clearer explanation of why subsidies are needed over and above the Governor’s Opportunity Fund? Can we have a little more transparency, please?

Update: The General Assembly approved this amendment to the budget May 14.

– JAB

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Cville Bypass Bids Come in Under $244 Million Estimate… Or Maybe Not

Photo credit: The Hook

The low bid for the Charlottesville Bypass, submitted by Virginia Beach Skanska- Branch/JMT, came in below cost estimates, says the Virginia Department of Transportation (VDOT), as reported by Charlottesville Tomorrow Friday. “Based on the apparent low bids all project costs are within the allocated amount in the Six-Year Improvement Program,” said Lou Hatter, spokesman for VDOT’s Culpeper District.

But foes of the controversial bypass say the cost will exceed official estimates. “The Virginia Department of Transportation opened the bids from contractors to build the Charlottesville Western Bypass–which ranged between $18 million and $96 million higher than VDOT’s estimated construction costs as best as we can determine based upon the very limited information we have received from the agency at this time,” said Jeff Werner, Albemarle and Charlottesville land use officer for the Piedmont Environmental Council in a press release.

Moreover, said Werner, the public still doesn’t know what it’s getting for its money. The bids are based on preliminary designs that haven’t been made public yet. The designs submitted by bidders under the design-build project may vary significantly from the sketches displayed by VDOT during public hearings.

Last year, the Commonwealth Transportation Board voted to allocate an additional $197.4 million to the bypass, a sum that would cover construction, design and additional right-of-way acquisition. The CTB approved the sum unaware of controversy inside VDOT over how much the project would cost. The McDonnell administration later acknowledged that the original design might have to be modified but contended that there was ample cushion thanks to efficiencies resulting from the design-build process and a track record of construction bids coming in below estimate in recent years.

The total cost of the project, including money spent on engineering and right-of-way, is estimated to be $244.5 million. Of that amount, reports Sean Tubbs for Charlottesville Tomorrow, VDOT had set aside $125.6 million for additional engineering and construction. Skanska’s bid was $136 million, or seemingly $10 million higher. (The highest bidder submitted a bid of $214 million.)

It was not clear from Tubb’s story how VDOT could claim that the Skanska bid came in below estimate. Nor was it clear from its press release how the PEC calculated an $18 million cost overrun. The issue is of more than academic importance. If the project cost exceeds the amount allocated by the CTB, the McDonnell administration might have to go back before the board and request additional funds. Getting approval might not be so easy second time around, given all the events that have transpired in the past 10 months.

Werner said the bids did not include several important elements, including landscaping, noise mitigation for neighborhoods and schools, and other adjustments as may be required by an environmental assessment that is not yet complete.

If I can sort out the issues, I’ll follow up with another blog post.

– JAB

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Still No Final Design as C’ville Bypass Approaches Construction

U.S. 29 north of Charlottesville

by James A. Bacon

I’m back from Vegas (nothing  happened there that had to stay there, by the way), and I’m catching up on what I missed while I was gone. It seems that the Charlottesville Bypass had one of its periodic flare-ups, as many citizens got it into their heads that they should be able to comment upon the final Bypass design before the estimated $245 million project enters the construction phase.

It’s hard to blame them. The last official public hearing took place in 1997, and much has changed since then. All manner of design schematics have been made public but no one yet knows what the final version will look like. The route is pretty well nailed down, but no one knows how the northern and southern termini will be configured, how steep the incline over Stillhouse Mountain will be, or what other trade-offs the winning bidder might make in order to keep the project within the $197 million appropriated to complete the project.

Uncertainty is inherent in the nature of the fast-tracked process which the McDonnell administration has employed to move the controversial project ahead. In theory, the design-build process will do a better job of constraining costs than the traditional design-bid-build process in which the Virginia Department of Transportation (VDOT) designs the project, obtains public input and only then puts the job out for bids. Under design-bid-build, cost overruns are  common because the contractor bears little risk: The builder simply bills VDOT for change orders and unanticipated expenses.

Design-build is said to be more efficient because road-building contractors can do much of the design and construction work simultaneously, dramatically cutting the length of time it takes to complete a project. Also, while VDOT sets the broad design parameters and provides a preliminary design to work from, the contractor is given considerable leeway to approach the task creatively and come up with more cost-effective design solutions.

In the case of the Charlottesville Bypass, however, the proposed solutions will kept under wraps until VDOT has evaluated the bids and selected a winner. At Once the design plan has been set, it will be difficult to implement any substantive changes that arise from public feedback. Thus, while design-build may save money, it won’t necessarily lead to the best result if the contractor makes design decisions that prove unpopular.

The issue is coming to a head in Albemarle County now that VDOT has begun evaluating the seven bids it has received for the project. There is no telling what the proposals might contain, given the many uncertainties created in VDOT’s bid offering. Randy Salzman, a Charlottesville-area writer who has delved deeply into the VDOT bid documents, provides this assessment:

VDOT’s own documents… [confuse] any potential “design-build” bidder on the Western Bypass and most likely [cause] him/her to either not bid or drive the price beyond imagining.

For example, the most common phrase in January’s “Route 29: C-ville’s Bypass Project Request for Proposal Question and Answers” was [a statement that] the bidder’s question would be addressed “in a forthcoming addendum” — which never materialized prior to bid closure. When the info was available, usually from a 1997 update, VDOT consistently added this sentence: “The Department does not represent or warrant that the information contained in the Supplemental Information Package is reliable or accurate or suitable for designing this project.”

Given the uncertainties, bids could be all over the map, with different contractors basing their bids on different assumptions and leading to very different design solutions.

Earlier this week, Dennis Rooker and his allies on the Albemarle County Board of Supervisors tried to pass a resolution requesting VDOT to hold a formal public hearing rather than a simple informational meeting, as currently planned. As reported by Charlottesville Tomorrow:

Rooker argued in favor of a public hearing in part because VDOT does not intend to make the project’s design public until a contract has been awarded. Normal procedure for design-build projects, he said, includes opportunities for public hearings on design.

“In this case, the public won’t have the opportunity to see the design until the contract has been awarded,” he said. “Think about that.”

The board deadlocked, 3-3, on Rooker’s proposal, effectively defeating it.

At this point, it’s anybody’s guess what the bids will look like, what they will cost, what trade-offs the bidders will propose and how the final design will be viewed by the inhabitants of Charlottesville and Albemarle County.

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The Drones in our Future

By Peter Galuszka

The backyard of my house in the piney woods of southern Chesterfield County is shaped like a half moon surrounded by very tall and skinny loblollies and gum trees. It faces north and can be a good place for aircraft watching.

I live maybe 20 miles as the crow flies from Ft. Pickett, a Virginia National Guard base that is used by military and law enforcement agencies such as Navy SEALs, the Marines, Air Force and Army Special Forces, Canadians, Secret Service, the FBI and Virginia State Police. It’s fairly common to hear the distinctive sounds of military aircraft flying about, such as the muffled roar of Blackhawks, the vibrating thunder of Sea Stallions and, the less frequent “whup, whup” of the old, Vietnam-era Hueys.

So imagine my surprise a few weeks ago when I heard a chopper noise I couldn’t identify. I looked up and maybe 150 feet off the ground was a light grey helicopter that seemed to hover over my property. It was clearly marked “NAVY” and was the size of a ubiquitous civilian Sky Ranger but with one big difference: this aircraft had no cockpit and no pilot.

Weirded out, I went to Wikipedia and noted it was a Northrop Grumman MQ-8 Fire Scout, a drone helicopter that has been in naval service since 2002. Drone aircraft like this one have been the coming thing in aerial weaponry for some time. In the South Asia terrorism wars, they have been responsible for something like 1,700 or so deaths from 2004 to 2010. Of these, 87 were Taliban dead from drone strikes and 32 Al-Qaeda. The Military Channel is chockfull of drone missions from big jets to little model aircraft that a combat unit can toss into the air by hand to find out how many yards ahead their enemy is.

The drone could do much to reshape Virginia’s economy. The state has two major combat airbases, Langley Air Force Base in Hampton and Oceana Naval Air Station in Virginia Beach. For years, they have based the hottest combat aircraft from F-15 Eagles and F-14 Tomcats and more recently F-18 Hornets and F-22 Raptors.

Oceana is responsible for 11,000 jobs in Tidewater and is slated to receive the new F-35C Joint Strike Fighters starting around 2018. Yet there have been clouds forming over Oceana for some time now. Sprawl has grown up around the air base that was rural farmland back in World War II. Pilots have to get past apartment blocks and rows of high-rise tourist hotels to reach the Atlantic a few miles away.

On April 6, an F-18 crashed into some apartments and miraculously killed no one. In 1977, as a newspaper reporter, I saw the aftermath of an F-14 that wasn’t so lucky. It burst into flame as it took off and the pilot and radar officer, fearing they’d slam into a beachfront hotel, sacrificed their lives by turning their hurtling jet onto the tarmac. There wasn’t much left after the fire.

Oceana survived the latest BRAC review although there were attempts to move its instruction operations to more remote Eglin AFB in Florida. Most F-18 pilots get their basic instruction at a California airbase far away in the farmland valley of the central part of that state. Attempts by the Navy department to locate an Outlying Landing Field (OLF) for simulated carrier landings near Oceana in Northeastern North Carolina were shot down by local opposition which is being replicated at other proposed spots near Franklin.

One trend seems certain. Unmanned drones will continue to replace manned aircraft. As they do, the demands upon land-based crews and bases will be much less in terms of cost and local support. That’s good news for the defense budget but bad news for localities that have depended on air bases for jobs for decades. To be sure, Hampton Roads is less dependent upon the military economically than it has been. Drones, however, may not have the glamor of Tom Cruise in “Top Gun” but they hold many advantages.

There is plenty of debate about drones for other reasons. Left wing commentator Rachel Maddow, who is not exactly a military expert, has said that using drones rather than piloted aircraft raises ethical questions because it de-humanizes the effects U.S.-orchestrated combat has on others. Perhaps, but I am old enough to remember when equally pilotless ICBMs aimed at the Soviet Union replaced many piloted B-52s. They couldn’t be recalled once launched, but they would get the job done faster and more cheaply. Luckily they weren’t used.

Anyway, the MQ-8 Fire Scout over my backyard was something of a wake-up call. I guess I’ll be seeing a bit more of them.

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