Category Archives: Race and race relations

The Cooch’s Freak Show Dream Team

cooch dream teamBy Peter Galuszka

Ken Cuccinelli just can’t keep away from the bizarre, but perhaps that’s what makes him what he is.

He stages a convention instead of a primary to neuter Bill Bolling. And since a convention is smaller, it draws more GOP hard-righters than  June bugs on a humid night and they succeed in getting Bishop E.W. Jackson and Mark Obenshain selected. They underline the social conservatism that turns millions off and makes Virginia the butt of jokes on late night talk shows.

The Bishop is an even bigger gay basher than Cuccinelli and says that Planned Parenthood is responsible for more fatalities among African-Americans than the Ku Klux Klan. This may be new to a Harvard Law graduate, but women of any color have a legal right to an abortion within limits. The U.S. Supreme Court said so. Look under Roe vs. Wade.

Then there is the attorney general candidate Mark Obenshain of the legacy Republican family. He proposed and withdrew legislation to require any woman in Virginia who miscarries a pregnancy to report it to the police. The idea is so repulsive it is beyond words. A woman may have miscarried to her great sorrow due to medical reasons and then would have to go through the added horror of having to report to the police? Yes, this comes from a cabal that otherwise wants to keep the government out of your lives. Even Josef Stalin wouldn’t think of this.

What does the dream team have to say on the many policy issues facing a troubled state? We have a bunch of lame and poorly thought out tax cuts and Cooch playing hardware store populist. Cuccinelli was against McDonnnell’s mammoth road building tax plan and has since backed away from his opposition.

Is this good news for Terry McAuliffe, who has plenty of issues of his own? Yes, I would think. Cuccinelli doesn’t need the fringe hard right voters. He’s already got them in his pocket. He needs the center and Mark and the Bishop aren’t going to be much help there.

It boggles the mind how Virginia is so schizo. It is attracting hundreds of thousands of newcomers who are running the state’s economy and are dragging it into the 21st century world. Yet the Republicans put up people like this who aren’t dragging us to Virginia’s recent dark past but to medieval times.

Global investors might think twice or three times before investing in this freak show.

Do Racial Set-Aside Programs Create Opportunities for Blacks? It Appears They Do.

discrimination

The philosophical issue: Can discriminating in favor of African-Americans today recompense for discrimination against African-Americans in the past?

Government set-aside programs for minorities have had a positive impact on the rate of business formation by African-Americans, conclude the authors of a new study, “Impact of City Contracting Set-Asides on Black Self-Employment and Employment,” published by the National Bureau of Economic Research.

Write the authors: “Black business ownership rates increased significantly after program initiation, with the black-white self-employment gap falling by three percentage points (25-40 percent). ”

The white-black employment gap closed as well. Black gains were concentrated in industries affected by the set-asides and accrued primarily to better educated blacks. “It appears that city programs led to a reallocation of self-employment from white to black men.”

Bacon’s bottom line: As a matter of philosophical principle, I dislike programs that divvy up the spoils of government spending by race. Such programs make a mockery of creating a color-blind society. As a practical matter, however, I acknowledge the history of discrimination against African-Americans and I see the logic (even if I disagree with it) of enacting policies to compensate for past injustice. The value of this study is that it demonstrates that set-side policies actually do accomplish what they set out to do (something you can’t take for granted), which is increase business and employment opportunities for African-Americans.

A couple more observations. First, it appears from this study that the primary beneficiaries are educated African-Americans, who, we can assume, tend to be better off than their less-educated brethren. Therefore, while set-aside programs arguably may comprise a rough form of racial justice, they seem less likely to constitute an effective anti-poverty program.

Second, the article does not address the effect of set-asides for other minorities who have suffered no history of discrimination at all, at least not in Virginia. In the Old Dominion, for instance, many winners of minority contracts are Hispanic or Asian — and many of them are immigrants! It is exceedingly difficult to argue that immigrant Hispanics and Asians living in Virginia today have suffered from discrimination in access to government contracts. Indeed, it would be interesting to know the extent to which these new-comer minorities have displaced African-Americans in the competition for racial spoils.

The Power of Faith-Based Ministry

Pastor Ken Barbour mentors the men enrolled in Kingdom Life Ministries. A former drug abuser himself, he has worked in jails for 13 years."Some of them have just given up," he says. "We help them believe they can achieve." Photo credit: Style Weekly, Scott Elmquist.

Pastor Ken Barbour mentors the men enrolled in Kingdom Life Ministries. A former drug abuser himself, he has worked in jails for 13 years.”Some of them have just given up,” he says. “We help them believe they can achieve.” Photo credit: Style Weekly, Scott Elmquist.

by James A. Bacon

In my previous post replicating an article published in Style Weekly, I put a human face on the ongoing battle to reduce recidivism, save taxpayer dollars and turn criminals into productive, contributing members of society. It is so easy for policy wonks like me to dwell in the abstract realm of tables, graphs and position papers. That article reminds us that we are talking about real flesh-and-blood people.

Karl Green, the former drug addict and street enforcer profiled in the article, grew up in Wickham Court, one of Richmond’s more notorious housing projects. He described to me how he had to fight to survive from a very tender age. Literally, fight to survive. When he was seven or eight years old, older kids would snatch him up along with other children and make them fight little kids from other neighborhoods. The older guys would lay bets on who would emerge the winner. Green learned early on that only the strong — and the canny — survive.

For a man who has led a thuggish life, Green has a keen native intelligence. He actually made it through 11th grade and maintained a B average, he says. In prison, he became an avid reader of thrillers by Robert Ludlum, Dean Koontz and others. He has a natural gift for story telling and a knack for the vivid metaphor. But the life of the street — the drugs, the women, the partying, the violence, the macho posturing and in his case, the challenge of psychologically manipulating those around him — proved too powerful an allure. As he is the first to admit, he made bad choices. He dropped out of high school, became addicted to drugs and, except for a few years early on, never had a steady job. He had few possessions and rarely had his own place to live. He made money by selling drugs, robbing stores and beating up people.

How does a man like Green turn his life around? Getting old is part of the story. The drugs and violence wore him down. He bears scars on his arm from being stabbed on one occasion and sliced with a broken jar on another. He had a toe amputated from a gunshot wound. (His life is an amazing story; one day I hope to tell it.) At 49 he got tired of it all. He realized how empty and directionless his life was. That’s where Kingdom Life Ministries (KLM), a faith-based ministry operating in the Richmond City Jail, came in. While respectable society fears and ostracizes men like Green, KLM preached that God forgives all men, and that all men are equal in his sight. KLM provides structure, discipline and a peer-based support network as an alternative to the street, and it provides convicts with an avenue to achieve respect in the community as “men of God.”

As long-time readers know, I am an atheist. But I am not one of those atheists who is hostile to religion and wants to see it expunged from the public sphere. Religion can be a powerful force for good. For men like Karl Green, Christianity  can fill the void with purpose and meaning. I may be an atheist, but I marvel at the power of faith-based ministries, be they Christian, Muslim or any other, because I’m interested in what works. And there is little question that some of these programs work. The trick is developing metrics that allow us to distinguish between the successes, the duds and the also-rans. And that’s another reason I like KLM — the organization keeps careful track of what happens to alumni from its program. All programs that aim to rehabilitate need to do the same.

The Commonwealth of Virginia spends $1 billion a year on the state corrections system, and local governments probably spend an equal amount. For too long, jails and prisons have been revolving doors, as inmates go in and out, in and out. Lock-em-up-and-throw-away-the-key does do one thing: It keeps criminals off the street. But it’s also incredibly expensive, and the system has done too little to equip inmates with the skills to enter productive society, which makes it doubly expensive.

Convinced that it has a winning formula, KLM is gearing up for expansion. Its transition house in north Richmond has room for only nine men. Many, many participants of KLM’s prison program have to be turned away. The organization has set a goal of setting up 15 or so houses around the state. The beauty of its  “business model” is that it costs so little. KLM rents a house for eight or nine men. The men are required to find a job within a month or two and contribute $300 a month to cover food and rent. There is an initial start-up cost for rental deposit, utilities and furnishing the house but each house is largely self-sustaining.

Supporting a mostly volunteer organization like KLM is not something that government does well. But it’s something the community does do well. I urge you to join me in supporting KLM financially. Here is KLM’s Facebook page. If you are so inclined, mail a check to:

 

 

Kingdom Life Ministry, Inc.
P.O. Box 71059
Richmond, Virginia  23255

Saving Grace

Karl Green,a former heroin addict and street enforcer in Richmond's inner city has found a new life. Photo credit: Scott Elmquist, Style Weekly.

Karl Green,a former heroin addict and street enforcer in Richmond’s inner city has found a new life. Photo credit: Scott Elmquist, Style Weekly.

From the toughest tier at the city jail to new jobs and a fresh start, Kingdom Life Ministries gives inmates a second chance.

by James A. Bacon

Karl Green recalls committing his last act of violence as if it were yesterday. Three years ago he was serving time in the Richmond City Jail. A veteran of Virginia’s correctional system, he had a simple survival strategy: Don’t take nothing off nobody. “I was like a beast in the jungle,” Green says. “I had to become wild to survive.”

When he wanted to watch something on TV, he changed the channel. If someone didn’t like it, he threw the TV on the floor. He used the phone whenever he wanted. If someone objected, he yanked the phone out of the wall. Kindergarten rules don’t apply in jail, he says: “There are wolves snapping at you!”

Prison authorities had stuck Green in a small, high-security tier for beating up a man in a poker game. The street enforcer, now 52, quickly established his dominance over the younger men; they called him “uncle,” a term of respect given to older inmates. Then a new guy showed up. This dude was big and strong, and he acted like he ran the show. Picking fights, he intimidated the younger guys. “He thinks he’s tough,” Green told himself. “I’ll show him who the real five-star general is.”

One day the new guy was watching television. Green turned the knob to a different channel.

“He said, ‘Man, what you doing?’ I said, ‘Nigger, I don’t want to look at that.’”

He changed the channel. Green changed it back. “I said, ‘I know you’re a talker now. We don’t have to do the dance with the TV. I’m challenging you. I’m going to beat your ass to submission.’”

Half a lifetime of heroin addiction had sapped some of Green’s natural strength, but he still had quick hands and lots of street-fighting experience. After some more posturing and trash-talking, the two men grappled. The younger man tried to grab him in a bear hug. Green hit him with an upper cut and again in the cheek. He slammed his head into the prison bars and, as the fight rolled around the tier, into the commode.

“He started crying, started pleading to the little dudes to pull me off him. I was stomping him on the back. He rolled under the bed. ‘Uncle, I don’t want no more. You’re the best.’”

One of the younger men in the cell asked Green to stop. And he did. He sat down on a table. “I started to cool off,” Green says. “The blood-red veil came off from my eyes like a curtain lifting.”

That night he lay in his bed. “I prayed that Jesus would come into my life and I would never have to do another violent act,” he says. He was getting bone-tired of dealing drugs, beating people up, floating from place to place and having few true friends. He stayed up that night reading the Bible. The next morning, the guards said, “Pack your bags.” They were moving him to a different tier, the so-called McCovery tier.

The McCovery tier was a section of the jail where outsiders put on self-improvement programs, including Narcotics Anonymous, anger management, Bible study and preparing for life on the outside. Green fell into a circle of men involved in a program that later would be called Kingdom Life Ministries.

“I got serious about reading the Bible,” he says. “The more I did, the more I saw my life becoming free, clear, with more promise, more hope and more purpose.” He says he started shedding his aggressive behavior “like a snakeskin.”

After a while, the authorities moved Green to the state prison system. He missed the fellowship of the inmates on the McCovery tier, and worried what would happen when he was released. If he moved in with family or friends, as he’d done before, Green feared he would drift back to the streets. He wanted to reconnect with the men on the program tier. As luck would have it, when his sentence was up, Kingdom Life Ministries had an empty slot at its transition house near Virginia Union University.

Moving in, Green committed to remain there a year and promised to live by the strict house rules: no drugs, no alcohol, no women. He studied the Bible and went to church. He found a job, went to work every day and paid his share of the rent. After his year was up, he found his own place.

Does Green ever fear he’ll slip back into his old ways? “That doesn’t even cross my mind. I won’t go back,” he says. “I’m three years clean, and I’m not going to give that up. I want to stay in God’s grace until he calls me home.” Continue reading.

This article was first published in Style Weekly. Click here to see the original layout with all of Scott Elmquist’s great photography.

McAuliffe: Can a Schmoozer Transform?

By Peter Galuszka

On Easter Sunday, I was driving in a cold rain to Charlottesville for a family event. My cell phone started beeping with messages from Democratic gubernatorial hopeful Terry McAuliffe.

He said he was on his way to his own family brunch but wanted to tap me for $5. I got similar messages from two other staffers.

Why bother me at Easter? Political analyst Larry Sabato wondered the same thing. In a tweet that day he complained about finding “11 obnoxious messages for $$$. Now I know the answer to the age old Q; Is nothing sacred?”

And that may be McAuliffe’s biggest problem as he faces arch-conservative Ken Cuccinelli in the off-year governor’s race. In my profile of him in Style Weekly, I note that McAuliffe is trying to rein in an expansive personality that has made him a top political schmoozer and fundraiser for Democrats from Jimmy Carter to Bill and Hillary Clinton.

A decades’ long political operative who has never been in elected office, he can be bombastic and smooth, as his recent dealings with GreenTech Automotive shows. He flirted with Virginia for a hybrid  car plant before going to Mississippi. He has been accused of somehow using the car plant to win special visas for foreign workers and maybe misleading the Virginia Economic Development Partnership about his intentions in the Old Dominion.

Meanwhile, he must overcome some of his misunderstandings of traditional Virginia thinking. However, it’s probably a good thing that he’s going to skip the Shad Planking in Wakefield tonight with its Confederate flags where Cuccinelli will be keynote speaker.

While polls are about 50-50 in the race, McAuliffe’s fundraising prowess has shown brightly. In the first quarter, he raised more than $5 million — more than double the take of Cuccinelli, who has hamstrung by not being allowed raise money during the General Assembly session because of his position as Attorney General. Read on…

(Also, here as a Q&A with McAuliffe)

IG of the Day: Race Distribution in Virginia

Click on map for larger, more legible image.

I give the demographers at the Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service a hard time for their long-range population projections, but I also must credit them for doing some really interesting work. A case in point is the map shown above, which uses 2010 U.S. Census data to show Virginia’s population distribution visually in a way not usually seen.

Each dot on the map above represents 50 people. Each dot in the maps linked to below represent a single person. Additionally, Policy Associate Dustin Cable has color coded the dots by race. Writes he in a recent blog post:

The great thing about dot density maps is that they elegantly convey a lot of data in a small space. Total population, population density, geographic distribution, and race/ethnicity are displayed in a single visual. Also, by incorporating the racial and ethnic data, the extent and degree of residential segregation manifests itself.

To view detailed maps of the state click and Virginia’s metro regions, click here:

Let’s hope he gets around to publishing a map for the Roanoke region as well.

– JAB

Surprise! Latinos Not a Monolithic Bloc!

Virginia Latinos — a diverse group

A week ago, I asked whether the high concentration of Latinos in certain Northern Virginia neighborhoods was best described as “segregation” or “self separation.” Are Latinos the victims of residential discrimination, or do they voluntarily cluster together for reasons of income (they can afford to live only in certain neighborhoods) or culture (they like being around others like themselves)? Predictably, a visitor to the blog suggested that my post “verged on racism,” presumably for suggesting that racism and discrimination did not fully explain Latino residential patterns.

I based last week’s observations on research sponsored by the Civil Rights Project. Now comes a new study, “Hispanics in the United States: Not Only Mexicans,” which finds that residential segregation varies widely among Hispanic sub-groups.

The original study does not appear to be available online, but Brown University wrote this article and the Wall Street Journal extracted some of the report’s key findings. Cubans, Puerto Ricans and South Americans have much higher levels of education and income than Mexicans and Central Americans, for instance. The level of residential segregation has declined for all Hispanic groups since 1990 — except for Mexicans, who comprise more than half of all Hispanics. (Interestingly, the study does not discuss Hispanics of American origin, whose ancestors settled in territories before they were acquired by the United States.)

The boundaries between smaller immigrant groups and larger American society also appear to be breaking down more rapidly than the boundary between Mexicans and mainstream society, even though members of the smaller groups have lived in the U.S. for shorter periods of time. The assimilation trend applies even to less affluent Hispanics from Central America who have comparable income and education levels to Mexicans. Perhaps the ability of Mexicans to coalesce in larger communities explains their ability to maintain ethnic boundaries longer.

What a breakthrough — recognizing that Latinos/Hispanics are not a monolithic group! Immigrants from different nations come to the United States under different circumstances, they are imbued with different types of social capital, and they behave differently when they get here. Culture matters. Circumstances matter. There are many factors at work beyond the default explanation of racism and discrimination so routinely invoked to account for differences between racial and ethnic groups.

— JAB

NoVa Segregation — or Self Separation?

Guess whose schools are getting more segregated? Nearly four out of five Latino students in Northern Virginia are enrolled in predominantly minority schools, according to the Los Angeles-based Civil Rights Project. “About 7 percent of those students went to ‘intensely segregated minority schools’ — ones where less than 10 percent of students were white and a large majority of students lived in poverty,” summarizes the Washington Post.

The Post quotes Virginia Commonwealth University education professor Genevieve Siegel-Hawley: ““When we look at school enrollment today, it’s no longer a black-and-white story. It’s a very multiracial one. But alongside that growing diversity, there are also persistent patterns of segregation.”

Two decades ago, summarizes the Post, very few black or Latino students attended racially isolated public schools in Northern Virginia. But by 2010, as immigration surged, 7 percent of Latino students and 5 percent of African Americans were in schools where less than 10 percent of students were white and where poverty rates were high.

(The Post doesn’t name the study or link to it, and I cannot find it on the Internet. However, I did locate a study, “Southern Slippage,” published by the Civil Rights Project and co-authored by Siegel-Hawley in September 2012.)

Bacon’s bottom line: Siegel-Hawley, who advocates “continued or new court oversight of Southern school districts,” uses the emotionally loaded phrase, “persistent patterns of segregation.” “Segregation” is an especially charged term to use in Virginia, with its history of slavery, Jim Crow and white flight. But this is 2013, not 1953, and while clearly there are schools where the student body consists overwhelmingly of minorities, I have a problem with assuming, without further evidence, that separation equals segregation, which smacks of widespread discrimination and even government-enforced “separate but equal” laws. And I especially have a problem talking about a “persistent” pattern of segregation for Latinos, who barely had a presence in Virginia 30 years ago.

As much as I like to tweak Northern Virginians (who tend to be holier-than-thou in their views toward down-state Virginians) for their “segregated” schools, I do not draw the conclusion that something malign is occurring. “Segregated”  schools are a consequence of “segregated” neighborhoods. The question becomes, why are neighborhoods segregated? Do minorities still suffer from rampant discrimination in housing choices? In particular, I would ask, do Latinos suffer from rampant housing discrimination in Northern Virginia?

Or do Latinos, when immigrating in large numbers, as they have done in the Washington region, gravitate to neighborhoods that (a) are affordable and (b) are populated by other Latinos who share the same language similar culture, where churches conduct services in Spanish, and where they can readily access grocers and other merchants who cater to Latino tastes? Really, should we be surprised that first-generation, working-class Latinos want to cluster together, even if it means attending schools where they aren’t blessed by the presence of middle-class white students?

My prediction is that as Latinos are assimilated into American society — especially second-generation Latinos — self-separation will diminish. Northern Virginia’s residential separation, I would suggest, is a very different phenomenon than the segregation of the past and is not something to be regarded as a pretext for government intrusion.

– JAB

Judge Carrico and Southern Mythology

By Peter Galuszka

One of the infuriating things about Virginia is that one can never get away from its tendency to spin myths and construct a separate universe especially when it comes to what actually happened in its history.

A case in point is the coverage of the death of 96-year-old Harry Lee Carrico, the former chief justice of the Virginia Supreme Court, who figured in a landmark case involving racist, white supremacist laws during the Civil Rights era.

I realize that it may be bad form to criticize the recently dead, but the Carrico case is really quite recent and his critically important legal decision was so obviously wrong. Somehow this goes unmentioned in newspapers such as the Richmond Times-Dispatch which even under the ownership of Warren Buffett keeps trying to spin its own skewed version of the Old South.

The story starts in 1966 when Richard and Mildred Loving, a white man and African-American woman, decided to move back home to Caroline County from Washington where they had been legally married. Virginia was one of a dozen states back then that made it a crime for a white and a black to be married.

Police burst into their home in the middle of the night and arrested them. They were sentenced to a year in prison but the sentence was suspended if they agreed to leave the state. They appealed to the Virginia Supreme Court where Carrico wrote a unanimous opinion upholding the state’s miscegenation laws.

It didn’t take the U.S. Supreme Court long to squelch Carrico’s opinion which incredibly didn’t consider such critical earlier rulings, such as Brown versus the Topeka Board of Education ending racial segregation of schools. In 1967, the high court said:

“There is patently no legitimate overriding purpose independent of invidious racial discrimination which justifies this classification. The fact that Virginia prohibits only interracial marriages involving white persons demonstrates that the racial classifications must stand on their own justification, as measures designed to maintain White Supremacy.”

Mind you this wasn’t 1848 or 1861 or 1896. This was 1966. The radio waves were belting out the Beatles, the Rolling Stones and the Beach Boys. Crucial federal laws to end racism in voting and the workplace had just been passed. The space race was, as was the Vietnam War. I was getting out of eighth grade and heading for high school. It really wasn’t all that long ago, yet Carrico was issuing rulings such as this.

Not one word of the decision was carried when the Times-Dispatch ran a story Saturday about Carrico’s funeral. It carried such bizzare bromides as this one from House Speaker William J. Howell: “The law is much larger than any one case or legal opinion (no direct mention of the Loving ruling). Chief Justice Carrico stood for so much of what is good about that institution.”

To be sure, it is said that Carrico’s ideas about African-Americans mellowed as he grew older and he backed more minorities in the legal profession. But to ignore his most important ruling and to go on about how he always removed his Fedora when talking to a lady and how he was the longest-serving judge ever is a bit much.

Carrico is quoted as having said that he loves Virginia for its “sense of integrity” and that “there is just something about Virginia that makes her unique. I hope she’ll always be that way.”

In fact, Virginia is a state that desperately needed change. Carrico had the chance to make his mark and failed.

Socioeconomics, Culture and Public Health

Mosby Court housing project.

by James A. Bacon

The average life expectancy in the affluent West End of Richmond is 83 years. The comparable number for residents of Gilpin Court, a public housing project in the east side of the city, is about 60 years. How do we explain that discrepancy?

The conventional wisdom attributes the health gap to socioeconomic differences — Social Determinants of Health, in academic lingo — and there is no denying the close relationship between income, education and health. The better educated you are and the higher your income, the longer you are likely to live. Affluent Virginians are far more likely to have health care insurance, which ensures better access to health care, less likely to be exposed to environmental hazards, and more likely to hang out with other people who influence them to exercise, control their weight and embrace other healthy behaviors.

But is that the whole story? An article this morning in the Times-Dispatch, slugged “Where you live determines how long you live,” explores health disparities in the Richmond region. The reporting draws heavily upon the 2012 report on health equity by the state Office of Minority Equity and Health Equity (OMEHE),  which mapped the disparity in health “opportunities” region by zip code. The report uses a Health Opportunity Index that encompasses factors such as education, exposure to pollutants, affordability of transportation and housing, job participation, racial diversity, material deprivation and other factors.

Trouble is, by imposing a socioeconomic framework on the problem, policy makers bias themselves toward a socioeconomic analysis and wind up recommending socioeconomic solutions. Thus, in the words of Michael O. Royster, until recently the director of OMEHE, to fix health disparities we need to increase job opportunities for the poor, improve educational outcomes, reduce exposure to air toxins and generally “develop policies, programs, and practices within organizations and communities that support racial, economic and gender equality.”

Royce goes so far as to suggest that African-Americans are more likely to report (24.6%) experiences of perceived racial discrimination than whites (5.7%) or Hispanics, and that those who perceive themselves victims of racial discrimination also are more likely to report poor health. Perceived racial discrimination, he says, is associated with hypertension, substance abuse, depression and and psychological distress.

In other words, the onus is on society to improve health outcomes for minorities. The solution is more government.

While inequitable access to health resources undoubtedly is a contributor to the longevity gap, in my view, any approach that fails to address the disproportionate tendency for poor people of all races to smoke, drink too much, overeat, get insufficient exercise, use illegal drugs, engage in unsafe sex and  physically assault one another with guns, knives and cudgels — in other words, that fails to grapple with the culture of poverty — is missing the boat.

As I noted in a previous blog post, “Murders, Accidents and Public Health,” tobacco use, unhealthy diet, physical inactivity and problem drinking are associated with 40% of all deaths in the United States. Moreover, among African-Americans, a significant portion of the longevity gap can be explained by the dramatically disproportionate number of young males who are murdered.

Click for more legible image.

For an example of how culture affects health care outcomes, consider this: Hispanics in Virginia rank lower than African-Americans in educational attainment, only a little higher in average income, and considerably lower in medical insurance coverage, yet they rank far lower in the incidence of low birth-weight births. Indeed, between 1999 and 2009, according to Royce’s own statistics, Hispanics have consistently ranked lower than whites in the incidence of low birth-weight. What accounts for the difference? Can you say, culture?

A fundamental problem that Royce acknowledges only glancingly is the prevalence of social isolation and the poverty of social connections between family, friends and neighbors in poor neighborhoods. We’re talking about family breakdown and, other than the church and outside not-for-profit groups, the near total absence of civil society. If you’re looking for underlying causes, the social isolation America’s poor is huge.

Royce strays perilously close to acknowledging the role of culture when he notes, “Immigrant groups, on average, have better health status than native born Americans. Unfortunately, this health advantage deteriorates the longer immigrants remain in the United States. Health outcomes of children of immigrants and successive generations more closely mirror the health of native-born Americans.” Perhaps one thing that immigrants bring with them, and later lose, is strong family ties. Again, can you say, culture?

If our interest is to actually help poor people live healthier lives — as opposed to perpetuating the dogma that only an activist state can redress social ills — then we need to adopt a very different way of looking at poverty.