Category Archives: Planning

“Jac” Cales’ PPTA Monkey-Wrench

calesBy Peter Galuszka

For four decades, James A. “Jac” Cales Jr. was a fixture on the judicial halls of Hampton Roads, albeit not one to take himself too seriously.

As Portsmouth commonwealth’s attorney for a decade in the 1970s, he would lean back in his chair, his hands folded over his stomach and nod vigorously when a defendant in a drug case admitted something incriminating. He later served for three decades as a General District and Circuit Court judge, retiring officially in December.

So, it may be fitting that on May 1, while filling in temporarily, Cales issued what could be the most important decision of his long legal career. It is a decision that is turning Virginia’s transportation funding on its head.

Cales decided that a plan to have a private developer toll users for $2.1 billion in tunnel upgrades in crowded Hampton Roads is unconstitutional. Only the state has the power to tax and that’s what tolls really are, Cales ruled.

If his ruling holds, a number of critically important highways that involve privately operated facilities, such as parts of Interstate 495 in Northern Virginia, Route 895 near Richmond and a proposed $1.3 billion toll road from Petersburg to Suffolk, could be affected. State contracts for all of them could be voided.

If so, it would be a huge defeat for Gov. Robert F. McDonnell and earlier governors who have made good use of the Public-Private Transportation Act of 1995 to push ahead with highways that the tax-averse state otherwise was too short of money to build.

Cales’s case involved legal challenges to using the private toll road concept to pay for upgrades at the Downtown and Midtown Tunnels underneath the Elizabeth River connecting Norfolk and Portsmouth.

The key issues are electronic tolls that are supposed to kick in next February. Off-hour tolls for cars are $1.59 and go up to $1.84 during rush hour. Trucks would have to pay $7.36 during peak times. Business officials and commuters, many working in blue-collar jobs, are angry about the new expense. The tunnels used to be toll affairs years ago and the fees were much lower.

The pressure is on to void Cales’s ruling, lest it result in massive scrambling of road plans. Transportation Secretary Sean Connaughton, a big fan of the PPTA, warned of serious possible repercussions when he met with lawmakers Monday. “This is not consistent with almost 240 years of building toll facilities in the commonwealth of Virginia, Connaughton told the House Appropriations Committee, according to the Richmond Times Dispatch.

Cales’s ruling is due to be appealed to the State Supreme Court, but in the interim, he has refused to stay his decision. One possible outcome is that the state would be stuck with a lot of expenses that have already been paid, such as $706 million for the Elizabeth River tunnels. In all, the state could be on the hook for $3.5 billion.

The General Assembly would also be forced to perform a heavy-duty rethink of how it funds roads.

But that may be a good thing. The PPTA, heralded as a rare pioneering effort for Virginia, has been used far beyond its intended purpose. It was supposed to be a way to supplement traditional road funding. Instead, skin-flint legislators who hate “taxes” have used the PPTA as a way to fund roads through tolls instead with private companies assuming much of the risk. Democrats and Republicans alike liked this scheme of having your cake and eating it too.

The outcomes have not always been good. A relatively short toll road southeast of Richmond, the Route 895 Pocahontas Parkway, has been so underused and underfunded that it was sold off to Australia’s Transurban firm, which recently announced it was selling it to a consortium of European banks because it wasn’t making money.

Yet Another Owner for Richmond’s Unwanted Road

pocahontasBy Peter Galuszka

Richmond’s “Road to Nowhere” is about to get yet another owner, showing again how the public-private partnership craze can result in unneeded transportation projects while denying resources elsewhere.

Australia’s Transurban which owns Route 895, otherwise known as “Pocahontas Parkway” is dumping the tollroad it picked up in an emergency financial deal in 2006. At that time, the highway that connects Interstates 95 and 295 southeast of Richmond was so underused that it was about to take down the state’s stellar credit rating.

But Transurban hasn’t been able to make a go of it despite tolls of up to $3.25 per car for a short drive through the fields of eastern Henrico County. The firm plans on selling it to a consortium of European banks that have $300 million in debt. The project also owes the feds $150 million for a loan.

The Pocahontas Parkway was the pioneer project for the Public-Private Partnership Transportation Act of 1995, which has been heralded as a nation-beater and a way to have your cake and eat it too as far as road financing. The allure was that you could build roads and have the private sector manage them and help pay for them through tolls.

Problem was, nobody seems to need the highway. It was billed as a way to expedite I-95 traffic to I-64 and I-95 around Richmond and perhaps open up relatively untapped areas east of the city for suburban sprawl development which hasn’t really happened.

The Richmond Establishment is loath to admit this, but the Richmond airport which has undergone a big expansion is not getting the flights and traffic it had hoped for. The Parkway was supposed to have helped promote the airport by providing easier access to it.

PPPT funding has been replicated in other areas in Northern Virginia and Hampton Roads, but a Portsmouth judge seems to have finally put a legal dagger through  the heart of the program by ruling that in the case of a local tunnel project, the state had unconstitutionally given its authority to tax to a private entity.

It isn’t clear what the ruling means for the PPT program, but the gist is clear. Democrats and Republicans alike want to live a fiction that you can transfer the state’s traditional responsibility to raise taxes and build roads and hand it over to private interests. It seems such a sweet arrangement – you get to keep Virginia from having to raise taxes, avoid violating the no-tax dogma  and not piss off voters while getting highways and construction jobs. It sounds too good to be true and it is.

Oh well. I wonder who will inherit the White Elephant when the European banks can’t make it work either.

Battle for the Battlefield

Manassas Battlefield Park Superintendent Ed Clark stands by a federal cannon with a statute of Stonewall Jackson in the background.

Manassas Battlefield Park Superintendent Ed Clark stands by a federal cannon with a statute of Stonewall Jackson in the background.

The Manassas Battlefield has become the scene of yet another irreconcilable conflict: this one between VDOT’s road-building plans, park service preservation goals and local residents protecting their way of life.

by James A. Bacon

As superintendent of the Manassas National Battlefield Park, Ed Clark enjoys regaling visitors with stories about the colorful characters who took part in two of the most important battles of the Civil War. But the administrative aspects of his job require most of his attention. Clark oversees the restoration of historical structures in the park and the updating of exhibits. He directs the plan for restoring the landscape to its 1862 form, which means cutting down some of the woods that have grown up since then, replacing invasive trees with native species, and doing something about those confounded deer. He keeps careful tabs on the private property inside the park and on its periphery. He would love to buy out the handful of property owners who still live within the official park boundaries, and he dreams of acquiring select properties outside the boundaries.

But Clark’s biggest preoccupation these days is traffic… rush hour traffic. The theme that animates his thoughts is how to improve the experience of the roughly 600,000 people who visit the park each year. And traffic congestion, he says, is ruining that experience.

About 24,000 vehicles per day use two two-lane roads — U.S. 29 (Lee Highway) and Rt. 234 (Sudley Road) — that intersect in the heart of the battlefield park. The two roads are direct descendants of the old Warrenton Turnpike and a local dirt road that played key roles during the battles. Clark knows they can’t be restored to their primitive, 19th-century condition but he’s not happy with the way they have been co-opted as regional transportation arteries serving the development sprouting all around in western Prince William County.

For three to four hours each morning and then each evening, traffic stacks up at the intersection near the old Stone House, one of the most visible battlefield landmarks. The driving tour, which many people take because the distances are too far flung to walk within the seven-square-mile park, requires crossing that intersection eight times. “The traffic detracts from the visitor experience,” says Clark. “Basically, it shuts down the park to visitors.”

The superintendent now finds himself embroiled in a political slugfest worthy of the artillery duel where General Thomas J. Jackson was said to stand as steadfast as a stone wall. But the 21st-century conflict is more complex and more drawn out. Manassas Battlefield sits athwart the route of a four- to six-lane highway that the McDonnell administration wants to run from the City of Manassas past Dulles airport. Local landowners, smart growth groups and even many local Republican legislators don’t want to see this rural corner of Northern Virginia developed.

Clark says he is doing his best to reconcile the park service’s preservation goals with McDonnell administration transportation policy, all the while respecting the rights of local landowners. He is negotiating a “programmatic agreement” with the Virginia Department of Transportation that would allow the state to run a major north-south highway past the western edge of the park, sharing alignment with a portion of a planned battlefield bypass that will loop around the northern periphery. In exchange, the park service would get to close the north-south segment of Rt. 234 inside the park and, when the bypass is complete sometime in the indefinite future, close the east-west segment of Rt. 29.

“We’re at the end game of a lot of conversations,” he says. Now the negotiations have boiled down to minimizing the footprint of the highway and mitigating its noise and visual impact.

But Clark may not be as close to the end game as he thinks. Only recently have citizens gotten wind of the details of the draft programmatic agreement, and they’re fired up.

“We feel like sacrificial lambs. Our way of life, our quality of life, our ability to live here” are all threatened,” says Page Snyder, daughter of the legendary Annie Snyder, who successfully spear-headed resistance to a regional mega-mall next to the battlefield park in 1988 and a Disney theme park five years later.

Snyder is one of roughly 100 property owners along Pageland Lane who will be directly affected by the agreement. But neither she nor they act like lambs being led to slaughter. Local foes of the proposed plan have packed public gatherings by the hundreds, joined forces with Smart Growth groups, recruited six Republican General Assembly members and Rep. Frank Wolf, R-10th, to their side, extracted a promise from the Commonwealth Transportation Board (CTB) to delay accepting a Master Plan for the proposed North-South Corridor of Statewide Significance, and persuaded the Prince William board to delay a vote affirming its support for the Bi-County Parkway, the linchpin of the North-South Corridor.

The outcome appears very much up in the air. Read more.

Rob Hodge, Civil War re-enactor and documentary film maker, says the rush hour traffic at the intersection of U.S. 29 and Rt. 234 harms the visitor experience at the Manassas Battlefield.

Rob Hodge, Civil War re-enactor and documentary film maker, says the rush hour traffic at the intersection of U.S. 29 and Rt. 234 harms the visitor experience at the Manassas Battlefield.

McAuliffe’s Offshore Drilling Flip-Flop

offshore-oil-rigBy Peter Galuszka

Terry McAuliffe’s flip-flop on opposing offshore oil drilling in Virginia is unsettling given that the last time the Democrat ran for governor in 2009, he seemed skeptical of drilling for oil although he thought searching for natural gas might be beneficial.

He apparently changed his position because he’s been with fresh legislation proposed by Mark Warner and Tim Kaine, his fellow Democrats in the U.S. Senate. Their bill would mandate that roughly half of any revenues from offshore petroleum either go to Virginia or to federal conservation programs in the state with the remainder going to Washington.

The Warner-Kaine bill would make Virginia’s cut from any potential revenues more in line with what Gulf Coast states get, but it puts pressure on the Obama Administration to speed up leasing for oil and gas drilling rights which had been delayed until 2017.

It would be hard for McAuliffe, now embroiled in a tough fight against Republican Atty. Gen Kenneth Cuccinelli , to go against two popular Democrats who pretty much paved the way for his candidacy.

That, however, doesn’t mean that any of the Democrats is making a wise move.

There was a collective sigh of relief in 2010 when Obama put East Coast leasing plans on ice following the blow-out and huge spill at the Deepwater Horizon platform in the Gulf of Mexico, which killed 11 workers and fouled local seafood and tourist beaches. Gov. Robert F. McDonnell was forced to shelve part of his plans, notably offshore drilling, to make Virginia the “Energy Capital of the East Coast.”

It turns out that Democrats want to do the very same thing and it’s a bad idea.

For starters, there’s no serious evidence that there is much oil offshore, although there are indications that natural gas deposits might be available. So, oil and gas drilling don’t currently contribute anything to the state’s economy and may never.

What do contribute are sectors such as tourism ($200 billion in 2011), seafood ($191 million in 2011) and the Navy ($15 billion in 2009). These industries and the jobs they bring the state are cold, hard facts. A Deepwater-sized spill could do enormous damage to beach resorts and fishing. The Navy is worried that most of the areas that could be leased would impede combat training which involves explosives and aircraft carrier operations.

Some experts believe that not enough has been done to bring offshore drilling safety operations and technology much beyond the level when the Deepwater blast occurred.

Environmentalists point out that extending offshore drilling to Virginia and the East Coast only prolongs America’s dependence on nonrenewable fossil fuel. But there’s a more immediate problem. Thanks to new onshore drilling technologies, the U.S. is suddenly brimming with natural gas and shale oil. The new additions are turning global energy markets on their heads.

Why go for more off the same off  of Virginia considering the risks to existing and robust industries?

The Cooch’s Freak Show Dream Team

cooch dream teamBy Peter Galuszka

Ken Cuccinelli just can’t keep away from the bizarre, but perhaps that’s what makes him what he is.

He stages a convention instead of a primary to neuter Bill Bolling. And since a convention is smaller, it draws more GOP hard-righters than  June bugs on a humid night and they succeed in getting Bishop E.W. Jackson and Mark Obenshain selected. They underline the social conservatism that turns millions off and makes Virginia the butt of jokes on late night talk shows.

The Bishop is an even bigger gay basher than Cuccinelli and says that Planned Parenthood is responsible for more fatalities among African-Americans than the Ku Klux Klan. This may be new to a Harvard Law graduate, but women of any color have a legal right to an abortion within limits. The U.S. Supreme Court said so. Look under Roe vs. Wade.

Then there is the attorney general candidate Mark Obenshain of the legacy Republican family. He proposed and withdrew legislation to require any woman in Virginia who miscarries a pregnancy to report it to the police. The idea is so repulsive it is beyond words. A woman may have miscarried to her great sorrow due to medical reasons and then would have to go through the added horror of having to report to the police? Yes, this comes from a cabal that otherwise wants to keep the government out of your lives. Even Josef Stalin wouldn’t think of this.

What does the dream team have to say on the many policy issues facing a troubled state? We have a bunch of lame and poorly thought out tax cuts and Cooch playing hardware store populist. Cuccinelli was against McDonnnell’s mammoth road building tax plan and has since backed away from his opposition.

Is this good news for Terry McAuliffe, who has plenty of issues of his own? Yes, I would think. Cuccinelli doesn’t need the fringe hard right voters. He’s already got them in his pocket. He needs the center and Mark and the Bishop aren’t going to be much help there.

It boggles the mind how Virginia is so schizo. It is attracting hundreds of thousands of newcomers who are running the state’s economy and are dragging it into the 21st century world. Yet the Republicans put up people like this who aren’t dragging us to Virginia’s recent dark past but to medieval times.

Global investors might think twice or three times before investing in this freak show.

A Grand Unified Vision for Richmond’s Future

Ashland Mayor Faye Prichard places a stack of yellow Legos on her home town.

Ashland Mayor Faye Prichard places a stack of yellow Legos on her home town.

by James A. Bacon

By 2035 the Richmond region will grow by roughly 200,000 households (435,000 people) and 200,000 new jobs. That’s a mind-numbing number for a metropolitan region with barely more than 1 million inhabitants today. But, assuming the forecast is valid, where those people wind up living and working will have a dramatic impact on the livability and fiscal sustainability of the region.

Where should they go? The Richmond chapter of the Urban Land Institute (ULI) hosted a Reality Check visioning exercise today in which teams of participants got to play God (or dictator) and decide where the housing and jobs should be located. The idea was to stimulate thinking about the choices the region faces in the years ahead. Participants indicated their priorities by placing Legos on a detailed map of the region, with each blue block representing 156 jobs and each yellow block 312 housing units. (There were also tan blocks for low-density housing.)

As readers of Bacon’s Rebellion know, I have a number of pronounced opinions on the subject. To avoid the temptation of launching into extended pronunciamentos on the subject of growth management or, worse, lunging across the table and snatching Legos from the hands of team mates, I attended as a mere observer. That’s just as well for, judging from what I witnessed, I might have popped from frustration.

An urban vision for Richmond's future.

An urban vision for Richmond’s future.

While there were a number of well-informed people in attendance — I chatted with two Richmond City Council members, two senior Chesterfield County administrators, two well-known developers and a prominent land-use attorney — most of the attendees were interested local citizens. Citizen input is exceedingly important. But most citizens are ignorant of the economics, politics and fiscal realities of land use and transportation, and I found that ignorance, shall I say… frustrating.

At the same time, I found the basic instincts of the 300 or so participants to be sound. Most of the 10-person teams supported a far more compact, urban-focused development than has prevailed in the past. Richmond has been the fastest-sprawling region in Virginia, much to its detriment. If business, political and civic leaders heed the voices of the Reality Check participants, the region will head in a very different direction.

There were no  "sprawl" visions for Richmond's future -- this was as close as it got.

There were no “sprawl” visions for Richmond’s future — this was as close as it got.

Reality Check took place in the basketball arena of Virginia Commonwealth University’s Siegel Center. Each team was arrayed around its own table containing a large map of the Richmond region showing building densities and transportation arteries overlaid by a grid of 1/4-square mile squares. The maps depicted no political boundaries. The idea was to treat the region as a single organic unit.

The first step in the exercise was to articulate guiding principles. The big themes running through the sessions included conservation of natural resources, with particular attention to the James River, regional cooperation, preservation of historic assets and mixed use development.

As I wandered from table to table, I observed a surprising commonality in thinking. Each table stacked up Legos on downtown Richmond, already the densest part of the region: both blue for commercial development and, in a departure from current reality, yellow for housing. The Innsbrook office park in western Henrico, now purely commercial, was marked consistently as a second node for mixed-use development. Chesterfield County got lots more medium-density housing. What hardly anyone found appealing was-low density sprawl. If these 300 participants had their way, the development frontier of the Richmond region would not advance one meter in over the next two decades.

An infrastructure-intensive vision for Richmond's future

An infrastructure-intensive vision for Richmond’s future

Players got to demarcate road upgrades and mass transit routes by laying down orange and blue string. Admittedly, this was an exercise in visioning, not serious planning, but some groups seemed oblivious to basic fiscal principles. First, transportation infrastructure is extraordinarily expensive and, second, you don’t plan a light rail line without planning density around the friggin’ stations!

As Sidney Gunst, developer of the original Innsbrook Office Park and a devotee of Ayn Rand’s philosophy of limited government, observed, Reality Check is an exercise in collectivist thinking. Neither supply and demand nor cost and fiscal limits provided any constraint. Yet he seemed to enjoy himself nonetheless.

After the session was over, VCU students compiled the number of blue and yellow Legos placed on each grid cell on each map. The results will be entered into a spreadsheet and used to replicate a grand unified vision. ULI-Richmond will disseminate the findings to stimulate further discussion of Richmond’s land use future.

McAuliffe: Can a Schmoozer Transform?

By Peter Galuszka

On Easter Sunday, I was driving in a cold rain to Charlottesville for a family event. My cell phone started beeping with messages from Democratic gubernatorial hopeful Terry McAuliffe.

He said he was on his way to his own family brunch but wanted to tap me for $5. I got similar messages from two other staffers.

Why bother me at Easter? Political analyst Larry Sabato wondered the same thing. In a tweet that day he complained about finding “11 obnoxious messages for $$$. Now I know the answer to the age old Q; Is nothing sacred?”

And that may be McAuliffe’s biggest problem as he faces arch-conservative Ken Cuccinelli in the off-year governor’s race. In my profile of him in Style Weekly, I note that McAuliffe is trying to rein in an expansive personality that has made him a top political schmoozer and fundraiser for Democrats from Jimmy Carter to Bill and Hillary Clinton.

A decades’ long political operative who has never been in elected office, he can be bombastic and smooth, as his recent dealings with GreenTech Automotive shows. He flirted with Virginia for a hybrid  car plant before going to Mississippi. He has been accused of somehow using the car plant to win special visas for foreign workers and maybe misleading the Virginia Economic Development Partnership about his intentions in the Old Dominion.

Meanwhile, he must overcome some of his misunderstandings of traditional Virginia thinking. However, it’s probably a good thing that he’s going to skip the Shad Planking in Wakefield tonight with its Confederate flags where Cuccinelli will be keynote speaker.

While polls are about 50-50 in the race, McAuliffe’s fundraising prowess has shown brightly. In the first quarter, he raised more than $5 million — more than double the take of Cuccinelli, who has hamstrung by not being allowed raise money during the General Assembly session because of his position as Attorney General. Read on…

(Also, here as a Q&A with McAuliffe)

Virginia Traffic Congestion — Not as Bad as We Thought

Contrary to what Virginians have been telling themselves, we really don’t have the worst traffic congestion in the country. You have to go to the west coast to experience world-class gridlock. (Click for more legible image.)

by James A. Bacon

One of the arguments driving the transportation-funding debate this spring was the factoid that Northern Virginia is one of the most congested regions of the country, if not the most congested region. The genesis of this claim came from the 2012 Urban Mobility Report published by the Texas Transportation Institute (TTI), which declared that the Washington region experienced more hours of delay per automobile commuter, at a higher cost in time wasted and gasoline burned, than anywhere else in the country.

If the Washington region ranked No. 1 in congestion, then surely Northern Virginia, which, anecdotally speaking, has the worst congestion in the Washington region, must be the worst in the country!

But TTI is not the only organization that measures traffic congestion. So does Tom Tom, a company that makes GPS-guided route-finding system, whose millions of customers feed data into what may be the largest database of travel times on the globe. And it turns out that Tom Tom’s measures of congestion don’t match up especially well with TTI’s, which is based upon data provided by INRIX using an arguably less robust methodology.

According to Tom Tom’s data, the Washington region ranked 6th in delay per peak auto commuter in the United States, behind Los Angeles, Honolulu, San Francisco, Seattle and San Jose, just to name the American cities. (Tom Tom also tracks travel times in Canadian cities, but I have deducted them from the rankings in order to create an apples-to-apples comparison with the TTI report.)

Hampton Roads ranked 24th for congestion among U.S. regions in Tom Tom’s congestion index compared to 20th in TTI’s ranking.

Conversely, Richmond ranked 51st among U.S. regions, according to Tom Tom, higher than TTI’s 60 ranking. In other words, Richmond is more congested than the conventional wisdom would suggest… though still relatively congestion-free by the standards of Washington and Hampton Roads.

Why does this matter? It matters because business, civic and political leaders had worked themselves into a lather this past year over Virginia’s supposedly crippling levels of traffic congestion. Heart-rending travel-time delays were driving away corporate investment and devastating our economic competitiveness. Virginia’s atrocious transportation tax restructuring/increase plan is the result. But if you believe Tom Tom’s data — which is based upon real-time traffic flows unlike TTI’s sampling-based methodology — the problem is significantly less acute in Northern Virginia and Hampton Roads compared to other major metropolitan regions than we have been told.

(While congestion may be worse than commonly thought in Richmond, that’s a non-factor politically because traffic delays there still don’t rise to the level of being a serious problem.)

As an aside, U.S. traffic congestion is milder overall than it is in European cities. Among capital cities, Moscow, Paris, Rome, Stockholm, Berlin and London all have higher levels of travel-time delay than Washington. (I am pleased to report, however, that the bicycle-friendly cities of Amsterdam and Copenhagen have among the lowest congestion rates, with my new favorite city in the world, Barcelona, not far behind.) And, for what it’s worth, Australian and New Zealand cities would rank among the worst in the U.S.

Dawn of the digital city. Which brings us to a totally unrelated but very interesting point… Tom Tom is yet another example of the potentially disruptive influence of information technology on transportation. As the company states:

By helping drivers to find a faster route we can also demonstrate that the total available capacity on the road network increases. If a small percentage of drivers uses different (and faster) routes, congestion can be alleviated across the entire road network, thereby benefiting all drivers.

By offering a more accurate analysis of traffic flows, we help identify and pinpoint congestion trouble spots more effectively. And by routing traffic away from congested areas we can play a key role in easing congestion in cities and urban areas.

We are witnessing the dawn of the digital city. Tom Tom, Google and others can provide us data that can help us better manage traffic and better target our infrastructure improvements. The information is there. We simply need to develop the analytics — and the will — to use it effectively.

The Rise of Civic Tech

Call it digital cities, call it civic tech, call it what you will — information technology is transforming the way local governments deliver services. This brief video by Ben Hecht, CEO of Living Cities, gives a flavor.

My favorite example he cites: The Boston Bump. Instead of dispatching engineers around the city to survey the condition of roads, the city of Boston has created an app that allows citizens to put on their car dashboards to record bumps in the road and their locations. Compiling the data from thousands of these apps allows the city to map road conditions in real time.

With the wealth of IT experience in Northern Virginia, the Old Dominion could be a leader in this field. Why aren’t we? Why are most of the innovations occurring elsewhere?

– JAB

The “New” Mind of the South

By Peter Galuszka

What is “the South” all about?

It’s a great question about what could fairly be described the most unique, tortured and remote region of the United States. Being “Southern” requires not only a special state of mind, but a special spirit that is, by turns, as alluring as it is odious. It produces lots of consternation among rational thinkers since the Southern cocktail is such a powerful blend of contrasts.

One of the first penetrating examinations of this phenomenon came in 1940 from a Charlotte newspaperman named W.J. Cash. His “Mind of the South” stunned me as I read it in college since I was undergoing my own personal identity crisis about whether I was a Southerner or not (probably not since my parents are from up north). If you want a clear-headed and tough look about white elites playing the race and class card for profits, look no further.

Now comes another book “The New Mind of the South,” (Simon & Schuster) that gives us an update on some of the same ideas. Author Tracy Thompson, a former reporter for the Atlanta Constitution and The Washington Post gives us a nice, likeable read exploring how the Southern conundrum remains despite some profound changes including waves of immigrants and Yankees, suburbanization, the fall of employment in farming and manufacturing and the entire idea that the very adjective of “Southern” is being diluted.

First off, Thompson’s book is not as important as Cash’s work, which was written during Jim Crow, anti-union strife and a year after the gushy romanticism of Hollywood’s “Gone With the Wind.” This doesn’t mean Thompson’s work shouldn’t be read.

Thompson comes from a Georgia and Alabama family and grew up in Atlanta although she spent much of her recent adult life in the D.C. suburbs. That in no way detracts from her acute observations about the region delivered in the gracious charm that Southern women have, save for that sharp stiletto of wit that she can whip out when the mood suits. (When I was a young newspaper reporter in North Carolina and out on the town dating local belles, I was cut many times).

Thompson’s modern South wavers between change and history, all adding up to a memory that won’t go away and perhaps never should. The South never can escape slavery, its violence, its hypocrisy and the War. “The Civil War,” she writes, “is like a mountain range that guards against all roads into the South: you can’t go there without encountering it.”

The epicenter of preserving the memory, naturally, is in Virginia, where the memory organizations are based, such as the United Daughters of the Confederacy, nestled in Richmond. The UDC spent the latter half of the 19th Century and the early part of the 20th erecting marble monuments to Confederate soldiers in just about every town south of the Mason-Dixon line. The organization was the way the “South’s ruling white elite,” could “revere the memory of those heroes in grey.”

By extension, this orgy of honor resulted in plenty of nasty stuff, such as a 1913 purge of textbooks in Texas that were considered to be written from too much of a “New England” point of view when it came to the war. There was far worse, stuff, of course, namely lynchings and the Ku Klux Klan, and Thompson presses how such events that occurred near her Georgia childhood home were somehow never mentioned. (As a grade school pupil in West Virginia, I never heard about labor wars against coal barons, either)

Such mythology remains strong today through such groups as the Sons of Confederate veterans, the UDC and even in fourth grade books printed in Connecticut recently that taught children that thousands of slaves fought for the South. Virginia got rid of the books after the error was revealed.

Thompson has some colorful reporting on a UDC event she attended in 2008 in Fredericksburg. Called “Children of the Confederacy,” the program brought together moms and their kids dressed up like Scarlett O’Hara and Ashley Wilkes. She writes:

“On the other side sat a little blond boy of about two, sucking on a sippy cup and wearing a tiny pair of neatly creased Confederate gray flannel trousers, suspenders and a Rebel kepi hat. Before I could ask her where on earth a person went to find a Confederate Army private’s uniform in size 2T, the program started: an invocation, followed by a salute to the Christian flag, a hymn, the Pledge of Allegiance “The Star Spangled Banner,” Of, of course, “Dixie.”’

As part of her youth quest, Thompson also takes us to Asheboro, N.C., a small town in the faltering textile belt. At a strip mall, she meets with about two dozen high school students of Hispanic descent. She asks how many were born in North Carolina. About two third said they were. “How many of you consider yourselves Southerners?” she asked. The group looked confused.

Indeed, North Carolina has the fastest growing immigrant population in the country as foreign-born workers flock to its farm fields and poultry plants among other jobs. This is not a new thing.  My parents lived for years in a small Eastern N.C. town where my dad had a medical practice. They had been there since the 1960s and although outsiders, they were very much a part of the community. Being North Carolina (unlike snooty Richmond), it wasn’t hard being accepted. Starting in the 1980s, so many Hispanic newcomers started coming that the Catholic Church added a Spanish Mass. When Dad died in 2004, his funeral service was said by a priest from Colombia.

North Carolina may be more welcoming but other Southern states are reeling from immigrants calling them “freeloaders, gangbangers and anchor babies,” Thompson writes. Virginia, notably Prince William County and Atty. Gen. Ken Cuccinelli, has dabbled with anti-Hispanic laws requiring citizen checks whenever they are stopped. This was the case in Alabama, which ended up badly embarrassed by the rousting of foreign-looking people. It turned out that the very first person pulled over after the Alabama law went into effect was “a German-born Mercedes-Benz executive,” Thompson writes. The German carmaker, which had been recruited vigorously by Alabama officials, builds Mercedes SUVs at the town of Vance.

The tension between older residents and newer ones isn’t the only question. Thompson takes us to dying towns in the Mississippi Delta that are still thriving in an agricultural sense thanks to massive, two-story-high tractors. People, however, are fleeing, despite attempts to play the tourism card and erect museums to blues musicians.

She gives us a good chapter on her hometown of Atlanta, which had started to boom after World War II when it beat out Birmingham for a huge new airport.  Atlanta has its problems – an overweening inferiority complex, an over-eagerness to please, far too many cars and bad planning and chronic water shortages. But the city is an economic dynamo and does outclass other Southern cities such as Richmond, which could have been more like Atlanta under different, more enlightened leadership.

The author even gives us her thoughts on New Urbanism:

“. . .You could make a case that New Urbanism is not a radical idea at all, but a return to an older and more conservative past. If you think about it, the only significant design difference between a twenty-first century New Urbanist town and the 1930s-era Alabama town of “To Kill A Mockingbird” is the presence of a fiber-optic cable: both are founded on the ideas of neighborhoods where houses have front porches and sit close to the street, where ‘downtown’ is within walking distance and where there is enough commercial variety that only a few demands ever require a car.”

Despite the many changes, Thompson concludes that the “Southern” identity will never slip down the memory hole. She’s written a good book — not as good as the original and she doesn’t mention Cash nearly enough – but very worthwhile.