Category Archives: Money in politics

“The Grimmest” Gubernatorial Race

mcauliffeBy Peter Galuszka

National media outlets are casting the Virginia gubernatorial match as “the grimmest election” featuring Atty. Gen. Kenneth Cuccinelli as “a Republican nutjob” and Terry McAuliffe as a scummy fundraiser who has revealed his failings in a “self-Borking book.”

Those, at least are the summations from New York magazine and The Daily Beast.

The publications note that given Cuccinelli’s tendencies towards extreme comments, the Democrats should have had an easy time finding a candidate to more than match him.

They chose Terry McAuliffe, who is down 10 points in a Washington Post poll and 5 points down in a Marist poll. The news is filled with stories about McAuliffe’s business plans that never amounted to much, including a green car plant in Mississippi and then a wood pellet that would help tiny Franklin in the Tidewater area recover from the loss of the old Union Camp pulp mill.

My only point is why it takes so long for such snarky trend-setters as the Beast and New York to catch up with the pack. Virginians have known for years about Cuccinelli’s views. I wrote at length about McAuliffe’s gushy book about his years as a Democratic fundraiser several weeks ago and the book isn’t exactly news.

Of course, as I was told years ago as a correspondent and an editor at a national business magazine, “It’s not news until it’s in The New York Times.”

McAuliffe’s Poll Problems

mcauliffeBy Peter Galuszka

Terry McAuliffe is well behind in a recent Washington Post poll — as much as 10 points (51% to 41%) among those who say they will cast ballots in November. Otherwise, the race is five points apart, still not good news for McAuliffe.

Previously, polls had put McAuliffe and opponent Kenneth Cuccinelli at about 50-50, so it is hard to explain what happened from around February when those results came in and the present.

If anything, the news has been running much harder against Cuccinnelli who is involved with two scandals involving unreported gifts from Jonnie Williams, head of Star Scientific, and involvement with  Todd Schneider, the governor’s former chef who is facing felony embezzlement charges. Cuccinelli accepted up to $18,000 in gifts from Williams and supposedly was informed of wrongdoing in the governor’s mansion but did nothing about it. The FBI is involved with the gift matter as it applies to Gov. Robert McDonnell. Cuccinelli has had to recuse himself from his work as attorney general in cases involving Star Scientific and Schneider, who is cause enough for concern.

McAuliffe faces image issues by being a big time Democratic fundraiser and being linked to Bill Clinton. He quietly dropped out of GreenTech Automotive, a hybrid car firm under the spotlight for locating in Mississippi instead of Virginia, failing to live up to development promises and perhaps parking money in the Cayman Islands. The last matter is not illegal but did taint GOP candidate Mitt Romney last fall.

So why are things seemingly tougher for Terry than Ken? A few ideas:

  • It is still early in the race. Cuccinelli has presented very little in the way of a real platform unlike McAuliffe, but no seems to have noticed.
  • McAuliffe, unlike Cuccinelli, still suffers from a name recognition problem once one gets beyond the DC orbit of Prince William County.
  • There’s not much news media any more. The Post owns the GiftGate and ChefGate stories but not everyone reads the Post. When I was in Culpeper on assignment for the Post covering McAuliffe on a tour of a community college in February, there was only one other reporter there. Some television journalist were supposed to have been there but ran out of gas money or something. This says a lot about the state of journalism in general.
  • Voters are sick of politics. We’ve just been through a big race and now face a gubernatorial contest in Virginia. Why is that? Simple. It’s the Virginia way, dating back to the Harry Byrd Organization in the 1920s. You want an off year election precisely because people will be bored. That way the incumbents stay in power, sustaining the machine.

This gets as tired to listening about as what great guys Washington and Jefferson were. But that’s the Virginia way, too.

Still Looking for the Scandal

Jonnie R. Williams. Photo credit: Times-Dispatch

Jonnie R. Williams. Photo credit: Times-Dispatch

by James A. Bacon

Virginia’s GiftGate has escalated from a minor brouhaha into a full-fledged media feeding frenzy with national overtones. The Washington Post editorial page has referred to the relationship with Star Scientific founder Jonnie R. Williams Sr. and Virginia’s two leading elected officials, Governor Bob McDonnell and Attorney General Ken Cuccinell, as “Virginia’s deepening scandal.”

Rachel Maddow, the MSNBC host who has elevated snark to an art-form, has declared, “Yes, Virginia, there is a scandal at hand.” She lambasted the governor for such reprehensible behavior as vacationing at Williams’ lake house at Smith Mountain Lake and riding back to Richmond in Williams’ Ferrari — which, she hastened to inform us, has “a retail price of $190,000.”

Based upon the reporting that I have seen, however, it is way premature to call the revelations a “scandal.” The media are making a Himalayan mountain chain out of a series of molehills. There is absolutely no evidence — at this point — that either McDonnell or Cuccinelli reciprocated Williams’ generosity with favors or special treatment.

Let me hasten to add a very important caveat. While I remain less than impressed by the allegedly scandalous dimensions of the affair based upon the evidence presented so far, I am more than willing to revise my appraisal if more substantive information turns up.

Also, let me make clear, I have no problem with the media running down the facts. A critical role of the Fourth Estate is to investigate the intersection of wealth and power. The bigger and more all-encompassing government gets and the more corporations seek to gain competitive advantage in the marketplace through the currying of political favor, the more imperative it is for the media to stand vigilant. Those in power need to know that their relationships and actions will be scrutinized for their propriety.

Further, neither McDonnell nor Cuccinelli did themselves any favors with the sloppy reporting of gifts from Williams, most notoriously the $15,000 Williams paid toward the banquet for McDonnell’s daughter’s wedding. McDonnell’s excuse that he did not report the contribution because it was a gift to his daughter came across as particularly lame.

Further, I do consider it unseemly that the First Lady, Maureen McDonnell, would travel to Florida to promote the Anatabloc anti-inflammatory supplement produced by Williams’ company, Star Scientific. Do we want Virginia’s First Lady flacking for corporate interests? Not me, not unless her appearance has been vetted by bureaucratic economic-development authorities. Finally, Cuccinelli, who owned stock in Star Scientific, should have recused himself from any involvement in litigation by the Attorney General’s office over the company’s unpaid taxes as soon as the situation arose rather than waiting for his relationship with Williams to be made public.

McDonnell and Cuccinelli are big boys. They know how the game is played. And they deserve to take heat for their oversights. But if those offenses amount to a “scandal,” it’s pretty weak stuff. Where’s the quid pro quo? Where is the string pulling? Where’s the abuse of power? Where’s the big pay-off for Williams or Star Scientific?

As a prime instigator of the media frenzy, The Washington Post devoted an entire article to an incident in which Star Scientific repaid hundreds of thousands of dollars of incentive money when it failed to live up to investment and job goals. Read the lead:

Star Scientific, whose chief executive paid for the food at the wedding of Gov. Bob McDonnell’s daughter, failed to create enough jobs to meet its part of an economic development deal with Virginia and was forced to repay hundreds of thousands of dollars.

Oooh, that sounds deplorable. But it turns out that Star Scientific received the grant in 2002 — during the Warner administration! Governor Mark Warner had approved a $300,000 grant from the Governor’s Opportunity Fund as part of a $1 million incentive package when Star Scientific expanded a facility in Mecklenburg County. The $49.9 million project was supposed to create 315 jobs but it didn’t. Failing to meet investment and job goals outlined in his agreement with the state, Star Scientific returned the money in 2008 — during the Kaine administration. The system worked precisely as it was designed to. And none of this had anything remotely to do with McDonnell. What was the point of the article?

What we appear to have is an instance of a wealthy entrepreneur with Republican sentiments contributing lots of money to two Republican grandees and going out of his way to court a friendship with them. One might legitimately ask why. One might legitimately inquire if Williams was angling for some kind of favor. That’s why the public scrutiny is fully warranted. But to term the friendship a “scandal” at this point seems absurd. There is no public evidence that Williams received — or even asked for — special treatment.

Right now, it appears that that Williams, a wealthy man, likes to surround himself with rich and powerful friends and that McDonnell and Cuccinelli, both powerful men, enjoy the friendship of a guy with big houses and flashy cars.

If that’s a “scandal,” then it’s one that every governor of Virginia — and every governor of every state in the union — is undoubtedly guilty of.

GiftGate: “If I Were a Rich Man . . .!”

By Peter Galuszka

Richmond’s “Giftgate” scandal just gets worse.

On Friday, Atty. Gen. and presumed GOP gubernatorial candidate Kenneth Cuccinelli announced that he was amending his required disclosures of gifts to show that he took more goodies from Star Scientific plus previously undisclosed gifts of a $7,750 trip in 2010 to Southwest Virginia from coal giant Alpha Natural Resources of Abingdon and $795 to speak at a coal industry rally in 2012.

While the tardy disclosure is questionable, the gifts are not illegal but they would be in other states.

This, moreover, raises another tricky question. How wealthy should politicians be so they can’t be bought?

Could it be that officials  of more modest personal means such as Cuccinelli might be somehow be more vulnerable to gift-giving by individuals or corporations with a definite agenda, such as Star Scientific and Alpha Natural Resources.

Cuccinelli disclosed income of $134,000 in 2009 and $264,296 in 2005. He makes about $150,000 as the state’s top legal officer and got a $30,000 advance from Crown Publishing for a book. His disclosure was a political ploy to embarrass McAuliffe but in the wake of the gifts, it has backfired.

McDonnell’s net worth is about $1.8 million.

Compare that to two Democrats. Democratic gubernatorial candidate Terry McAuliffe, no stranger to big money fundraising, earned $8.2 million in 2011 from his various business interests. U.S. Sen. Mark Warner was once said to be worth about $200 million, much of it from investments he made in the cell phone industry and high-tech financing a couple of decades ago.

It’s tough to say that politics should be only for rich men. But the curious thing about these two Republicans, supposedly the silk stocking, country club party, is that McDonnell and Cuccinelli “are actually very much middle class guys,” Richmond political analyst Bob Holsworth recently told me.

Nothing wrong with that, of course, but the fact is that both Cuccinelli and McDonnell have spent most of their careers in low-paying public service jobs. McAuliffe and Warner, both accused of being anti-capitalist regulators by the GOP, actually made millions in the free market system that they supposedly disdain.

Painting them as such might be a plus to rank and file voters, but in a strange way, it can put them at risk. Why, for instance, did Cuccinelli feel compelled to accept $13,000 in gifts from Jonnie Williams, the head of troubled Star Scientific, which is the object of shareholder lawyers and a federal probe? These included the use of vacation homes and expensive foreign cars. One vacation cost $3,000 and was a gift. Even an underpaid journalist like myself has paid $2,000 for a week at a beach house with my family. Why couldn’t he have rented his own place?

Williams is involved with a disputed state tax assessment of $860,000 and Cucccinelli has had to recuse himself as he has from another court case involving the fired executive chef who is seeking information that McDonnell’s family used publicly-funded goods like energy drinks, state-owned beach cottages and liquor for themselves.

The Alpha and coal business is rather obvious. Alpha took over Richmond-based Massey Energy in 2011 after the firm’s noxious corporate culture is said to have led to the deaths of 29 miners in West Virginia making it the worst deep mine disaster in the U.S. in 40 years. Massey’s CEO Don Blankenship was famous for bankrolling West Virginia judicial officials and other candidates. He went so far as  to vacation with the State Supreme Court Judge on the French Riviera.

Alpha has a better safety record than Massey but is taking its lumps, having lost $2 billion in one quarter last year. Coal in general has been in the tank thanks to cheap natural gas and some new federal environmental rules plus a slow-down in Asia’s demand for coal to make steel.

Naturally, the beleaguered coal industry wants to beat back what it considers onerous regulations.  It was a major bankroller of Mitt Romney’s campaign last year and Alpha was a big participant. Cuccinelli is perfect because he denies that carbon dioxide is responsible for climate change – a pet issue for King Coal. So, he was instrumental in the right wing’s counter attacks on the “War On Coal” last election.

What bothers me is not that Cuccinelli would flack for them but why did it cost $7,750 for him and his parents, paid for by Alpha, to visit Southwest Virginia. Last year I published a book on Massey and had made many trips to Southwest Virginia, including Alpha’s headquarters and a mine. I paid for it myself and I think it cost me maybe $200 in gas and a night or two at a two star motel at maybe $110 a night. I ate at Hardees where a steak biscuit is about $1.50 although I did splurge at a fancy Abingdon restaurant that had knock-out martinis with blue cheese filled olives.

But it didn’t cost me $7,750 or even one third of that.

Would McAuliffe or Warner have accepted a such largesse? I am sure they have moved and grooved with the rich and famous for years but both men are in a position to say “no thanks.”

And that is what Cuccinelli and McDonnell should have said, even if Virginia has hardly any rules on gifts.

First They Came for Our Tax-Subsidized Sodas, then They Came for our Tax-Subsidized Snack Foods

Graphic credit: The Onion (Click for more legible image)

by James A. Bacon

I had occasion the other day to visit an inner city convenience store in Richmond while working on an article I hope to post to the blog shortly.  I am not exactly Mr. Health Food Guy — I won’t touch tofu, cauliflower or fish oil — but even I was appalled by the wares on display.

Entire shelves in this shoebox establishment were given over to beer, soda, candy, pork rinds, potato chips and sugar-drenched cereals. The healthiest (or should I say “least unhealthy”) foods were ordinary starches like rice and potatoes whose sole nutritional virtue is that they were not drenched in sugar, fat and salt. If there is any correlation between the percentage of shelf space stocked with junk food and the nutritional intake of neighborhood residents, there should be no mystery whatsoever why Richmond’s inner-city population is suffering an epidemic of obesity, diabetes and hypertension.

I totally subscribe to the doctrine that people should be held accountable for their behavior. We should not make excuses for poor people who blow their slender resources on cigarettes, lottery tickets, a six-pack of beer and a bag of Tom’s Bacon Cheddar Fries. But I also acknowledge that the story is much bigger than the irresponsible lifestyle choices of the poor. Rent-seeking corporations and a spineless federal government bear their share of the blame.

Yesterday, Coca-Cola held its annual meeting. If all went according to schedule, David Almasi, executive director of the National Center for Public Policy Research, was planning to criticize the company for lobbying to keep soft drinks eligible for food stamps. Currently, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) forbids only the purchase of alcohol and tobacco. Through SNAP, American taxpayers subsidize the purchase of about $4 billion worth of soda products yearly.

My thinking on the subject coincides exactly with Almasi’s sentiments:

I’m all for freedom of choice and respecting peoples’ personal decisions, but Coke lobbying for its share of food stamp money is above and beyond altruism. While publicly promoting so-called ‘sustainability’ by hyping good nutrition and active lifestyles, Coca-Cola lobbyists are quietly seeking to ensure that American taxpayers subsidize the company’s high-calorie, sugary beverages. Both political parties carp about cutting the budget and fixing the deficit. How about stopping this virtual river of soda being paid for with our tax dollars?

I also agree with Justin Danhof, director of the National Center Free Enterprise Project:

In a free marketplace, folks should be able to purchase what they want. That is why Coca-Cola was right to fight New York City Mayor Michael Bloombeg’s efforts to ban large beverages, but wrong when it fought his efforts to limit SNAP funds to healthier items. SNAP does not operate in a free market. It is taken from folks’ paychecks. It is reasonable to limit how those benefits are administered and for what items.

Actually, I would go a step further. I would apply the same logic to snack foods as well. If hunger is still a problem in the inner city, as many say is the case, public funds should be limited to products that meet basic nutritional guidelines. Surely, this is an area where do-gooder liberals and skin-flint conservatives can join forces to create better public policy and improve the health of the poor.

Corruption? This is Virginia!

 By Peter Galuszka

An old adage in journalism has it that good stories just keep getting better.

And so it is with the saga of Jonnie Williams Sr. and the family of Robert F. McDonnell, the governor. First we learn, courtesy of The Washington Post, that the head of Star Scientific gave McDonnell’s daughter $15,000 worth of food for her Executive Mansion wedding in 2011 along with $100,000 worth of corporate jet rides for McDonnell and his staff.

Now we also learn that Williams paid for McDonnell to vacation at Smith Mountain Lake and loaned him a Land Cruiser and a $190,000 Ferrari.

There’s nothing illegal about any of this given Virginia’s toothless government accountability laws. Gifts have to be disclosed annually and the only problem seems to have been that McDonnell did not disclose the wedding meal because the gift was for his daughter even though he signed papers for the wedding celebration.

One reason why Virginia is so incredibly weak in regulating donations and gifts to public figures is another one of its conceits. There is an old saw that if one is elected to office he or she must be a gentleman or lady, after all they are Virginians. Presumably, this also means they are appropriately of English or Anglo Saxon ancestry.

There’s another reason as well, according to Gordon Witkin of the State Integrity Investigation Project that flunks Virginia for acountability.

In an interview I did with him for Style Weekly, he says that Virginia’s preference for loose regulation is based on its limited government, libertarian mind set that is more in keeping with attitudes in the Plains or Western states than the Northeast or Midwest. “It’s like in Wyoming where a state senator was asked why it was OK to make a right or left turn in a car without signaling. His response: “If you want to make a turn, it’s no one else’s damned business.”

That’s about the size of it among some of the most influence conservatives in the state, including gubernatorial hopeful Kenneth Cuccinelli, unless, of course the matter involves abortion in which case the state will add on all sorts of regulations.

Witkin’s group gave Virginia an “F” its recent survey. The Old Dominion was one of eight states to get the rating and was ranked 47th out of 50 stats. The ranking was based on awful scores in public access to information, executive and judicial accountability and budgetary, lobbying and ethics enforcement. “The systems and procedures in Virginia for accountability and procedure are weak,” says Witkin.

Denise Roth Barber, managing director of the National Institute on Money and State Politics, based in Helena MT, says that “Virginia is one of four states that have no limits on contributions. It is one of seven states with no limits on corporate giving.”

Virginia also allows unlimited gifts as long as they are disclosed annually. Florida, by contrast, forbids any gifts at all, including a free cup of coffee.

Virginia is also one of nine states that have no ethics commissions. The State Corporation Commission, which oversees business and sets electricity rates, is  immune from the Freedom of Information Act.

Why so lax? One explanation is that years ago, the idea took somehow shape that Virginia’s politicians are gentlemen and ladies above the tackiness of graft. That would be in marked contrast to such sleazepots such as Illinois and New Jersey, which, curiously, received a “C” and a “B+” ranking for accountability the State Integrity survey. Witkin says that states such as these erect tighter rules after significant scandals.

This leads to a chicken or egg kind of problem. “I don’t think the level of public corruption in Virginia is high at all,” says political analyst Bob Holsworth, noting that the survey rated the toughness of laws not how crooked a state is. However, in light of the McDonnell wedding meal, ‘the gift issue is clearly a loophole that should be closed,” Holsworth adds. For starters, he says, gift disclosures should include immediate family members of the public official.

Sounds like a great place to start.

McAuliffe: Can a Schmoozer Transform?

By Peter Galuszka

On Easter Sunday, I was driving in a cold rain to Charlottesville for a family event. My cell phone started beeping with messages from Democratic gubernatorial hopeful Terry McAuliffe.

He said he was on his way to his own family brunch but wanted to tap me for $5. I got similar messages from two other staffers.

Why bother me at Easter? Political analyst Larry Sabato wondered the same thing. In a tweet that day he complained about finding “11 obnoxious messages for $$$. Now I know the answer to the age old Q; Is nothing sacred?”

And that may be McAuliffe’s biggest problem as he faces arch-conservative Ken Cuccinelli in the off-year governor’s race. In my profile of him in Style Weekly, I note that McAuliffe is trying to rein in an expansive personality that has made him a top political schmoozer and fundraiser for Democrats from Jimmy Carter to Bill and Hillary Clinton.

A decades’ long political operative who has never been in elected office, he can be bombastic and smooth, as his recent dealings with GreenTech Automotive shows. He flirted with Virginia for a hybrid  car plant before going to Mississippi. He has been accused of somehow using the car plant to win special visas for foreign workers and maybe misleading the Virginia Economic Development Partnership about his intentions in the Old Dominion.

Meanwhile, he must overcome some of his misunderstandings of traditional Virginia thinking. However, it’s probably a good thing that he’s going to skip the Shad Planking in Wakefield tonight with its Confederate flags where Cuccinelli will be keynote speaker.

While polls are about 50-50 in the race, McAuliffe’s fundraising prowess has shown brightly. In the first quarter, he raised more than $5 million — more than double the take of Cuccinelli, who has hamstrung by not being allowed raise money during the General Assembly session because of his position as Attorney General. Read on…

(Also, here as a Q&A with McAuliffe)

Sunnier Skies for Virginia Solar

Photo credit: Secure Futures

Thanks to a new law making it easier for non-utilities to sell solar electricity, backers of solar power are viewing the future with cautious optimism.

By Andrew Jenner

Virginia gets enough sunshine, relative to other states, to give it better-than-average potential for solar energy development. A 2012 study by the National Renewable Energy Laboratory estimated its potential solar energy generation capacity at 1.9 million gigawatt hours – about 17 times the state’s total annual electricity consumption.

This potential is far from reality, however. With just 10 MW of installed solar photovoltaic generation capacity, the largest being a new 2.1-MW array at the Norfolk Naval Station, Virginia ranks far behind other eastern states with more progressive solar energy policy. (New Jersey alone had 955 MW installed by the end of 2012.)

One major reason is that the state has no mandatory Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS), due both to the considerable lobbying efforts of the state’s powerful electric utilities and a political climate generally unfavorable to new regulatory mandates. Since Virginia adopted a voluntary RPS program in 2007, the utility lobby snuffed out legislative attempts to set mandatory RPS goals and to allow renewable energy companies to sell power directly to individual customers from behind-the-meter wind or solar installations.

Over the past two years, Dominion, the state’s largest investor-owned utility, also has blocked several solar projects financed with power purchase agreements, or PPAs, arguing that the arrangement infringes on its exclusive right to sell power in its franchise territory. The PPA model, which allows nonprofit entities to capture important federal tax benefits through a for-profit energy company, has been key to development of the solar industry in other states.

In January, however, renewable energy advocates were pleasantly surprised when Dominion reversed course and put its considerable weight behind legislation that allows for limited use of PPAs in the state. In March Governor Bob McDonnell signed the bills, which creates a pilot program for solar and wind energy projects in Dominion’s franchise territory that are financed through third-party PPAs,

Solar energy advocates in Virginia are hopeful that the industry soon will make up lost ground. “[This program] is a great opportunity for Virginia customers to be able to finally take advantage of the financing model that is driving most new solar installations nationwide,” said Ivy Main, the vice-chair of the Sierra Club’s Virginia Chapter.

Solar developers within the state also are excited about the future. Mike Healy, a national board member of the Solar Energy Industry Association, called PPAs “critically important” mechanisms for stimulating private investment into the solar market, and applauded the pending change in Virginia as precedent-setting within the state.

“The outlook for this year is a really good one,” said Tony Smith, president and CEO of Secure Futures, a Virginia company that designs, finances and installs solar arrays for universities and other tax-exempt institutions and organizations.

Dominion’s support for the PPA model came as both a surprise and a relief to Smith and other solar supporters, given the utility’s recent actions to block these very same PPAs. Over the past two years, Secure Futures has been at the forefront of this conflict in Virginia, and has played an unexpected role of energy policy activist as it has struggled to find ways to bring projects online without using PPA financing. Read more.

No Reform Three Years After Massey Disaster

 By Peter Galuszka

Three years ago today, a tremendous blast caused by bad safety conditions at Massey Energy’s Upper Big Branch mine in Montcoal, W.Va., killed 29 miners. It was the worst coal mine disaster in this country in 40 years.

But three years later, very little has been done to toughen mine safety regulations so that serial violators such as the now defunct, Richmond-based Massey can squeeze profits from miners’ lives and also, from the mountains they have destroyed through severe mountaintop removal mining methods.

J. Davitt McAteer, a former U.S. Labor official and mining expert, and Beth Spence, a coalfield specialist for the American Friends Service Committee, write of failures on the state and federal level to stem safety abuses in the Charleston Gazette.

The West Virginia legislature passed a reform law in 2012 but much of it hasn’t been implemented, including improved measures to spray rock dust to keep down the coal dust of the type that helped carry Upper Big Branch’s destructive blast through seven miles of underground seams with fatal results.

The U.S. Congress is even more laggard. It has considered several versions of a law first proposed after Upper Big Branch by the late Sen. Robert Byrd to punish repeat safety violators, protect whistle blowers and make top management accountable when they make decisions that put safety at risk. The Byrd bill, as it is known, has been nowhere ever since the Republican Party, riding the Tea Party wave, took control of the U.S. House of Representatives in 2010.

Other disturbing points include a new audit at the federal Mine Safety and Health Administration that it has implemented only about half of the internal changes recommended after the disaster. Also, legal teams at the Labor Department assembled to force mine operators to improve safety are being disbanded due to federal budget cuts. A favored Massey tactic was to mount legal challenges to most safety violations. The result was that important corrections were not made.

An even older problem seems unresolved. For years, miners were afflicted with pneumoconiosis, or black lung disease, a debilitating and often fatal illness that comes from breathing coal dust. For 24 of the miners whose bodies had enough lung tissue to sample at autopsy (the rest were too ripped apart by the blast) there was evidence of black lung even though some were only in their 20s.

True, the coalfields of Central Appalachia are in a slump now that natural gas has out-priced coal in the electric utility market. But the fields of Virginia, West Virginia and Kentucky still produce plenty of metallurgical coal that is typically exported to make steel in China, India and Brazil. That was the product produced by the dead Massey miners.

Meanwhile, miners continue to die. In the first quarter of this year, eight miners have died including five in West Virginia alone. “This compares with five during the same period of 2012, two in 2011 and two in 2010 (before Upper Big Branch),” write McAteer and Spence.

Mind you, this is more than a year after Bristol-based Alpha Natural Resources, which bought Massey in 2011, entered into an agreement with federal prosecutors as part of a Massey settlement to spend millions in mine safety training and improvement.

The Alpha deal, however, has no legal clout over the coal industry. It would take legislation for that.

Sadly, miners’ lives don’t seem important enough to merit new laws.

What’s the Deal With Star Scientific, McDonnell and Cuccinelli?

By Peter Galuszka

What, exactly, is the relationship between Governor Robert F. McDonnell, his family, and Attorney Gen. Kenneth Cuccinelli with the head of a money-losing, tobacco-related dietary supplement maker that is the target of federal prosecutors?

All involve Jonnie R. Williams Sr., chief executive of Star Scientific, a Henrico County-based firm that has sold discount cigarettes, smokeless tobacco products and dietary supplements, including one called Anatabloc, that might someday have medical applications, according to The Washington Post in a front-page story today. A key ingredient for Anatabloc is found in tobacco and other plants, the newspaper says.

Star was sued last week by a former shareholder, Francis J. Reuter, who claims that Star misled investors about research involving the dietary supplements and the fact that the firm has been subpoenaed by the U.S. Attorney’s Office for Eastern Virginia.

The Post details links between Star and Williams and McDonnell and his family. Not only was Star a major campaign contributor to McDonnell, it allowed the governor to ride on its corporate jet and provided $15,000 worth of catered food, including shrimp cocktails, for the Executive Mansion wedding of his daughter Cailin in 2011.

McDonnell’s wife, Maureen, a former Washington Redskins cheerleader and skilled marketer, attended a Florida conference to tout Star’s products three days before her daughter’s wedding, the Post reports.

From 2009 to 2012, Star gave $130,000 to Virginia officials and a political action committee that supports McDonnell, the Post says.

The Star case becomes even more intriguing with Cuccinelli’s involvement. The attorney general and Williams are personal friends. Cuccinelli has stayed at Williams house and used his boat. In 2010, Cuccinelli bought 5,060 shares of Star stock at $1.98 and later increased his holdings by more than 3,500 shares at $2.79 a share. He sold 1,500 shares at $4.70 a share last year, the Post says, making a $7,000 profit.

Cuccinelli, however, failed to disclose his financial interests in Star for more than a year. An aide told the Post that the attorney general did not realize that his financial interest in the firm had passed the $10,000 threshold needed for reporting, but has since updated his disclosure. Records also show that Cuccinelli stayed at Williams’ house, used a lake home and a boat owned by Williams, was given a trip to Kentucky valued at $3,200 and a box of “food supplement” valued at $6,700.

A spokesman for McDonnell says the governor did not disclose Williams’ wedding gift of the catered meal because the gift was not intended for him. McDonnell and Williams declined to be interviewed directly by the Post.

Star Scientific had been seen by some of the state’s business elite as a way the Old Dominion can wean itself from its historic dependence upon tobacco by deriving healthy products form it. Star has attempted to do that over the years and dropped selling tobacco products last year in favor of dietary supplements and skin cream products. Last year, the firm lost $22.9 million and laid off some of its employees. It needs Anatabloc to be successful, the Post reports.

Star Scientific says that the lawsuit against it by Reuter has no merit.

This intriguing story is bound to become more interesting.