Category Archives: Education (K-12)

The Cooch’s Freak Show Dream Team

cooch dream teamBy Peter Galuszka

Ken Cuccinelli just can’t keep away from the bizarre, but perhaps that’s what makes him what he is.

He stages a convention instead of a primary to neuter Bill Bolling. And since a convention is smaller, it draws more GOP hard-righters than  June bugs on a humid night and they succeed in getting Bishop E.W. Jackson and Mark Obenshain selected. They underline the social conservatism that turns millions off and makes Virginia the butt of jokes on late night talk shows.

The Bishop is an even bigger gay basher than Cuccinelli and says that Planned Parenthood is responsible for more fatalities among African-Americans than the Ku Klux Klan. This may be new to a Harvard Law graduate, but women of any color have a legal right to an abortion within limits. The U.S. Supreme Court said so. Look under Roe vs. Wade.

Then there is the attorney general candidate Mark Obenshain of the legacy Republican family. He proposed and withdrew legislation to require any woman in Virginia who miscarries a pregnancy to report it to the police. The idea is so repulsive it is beyond words. A woman may have miscarried to her great sorrow due to medical reasons and then would have to go through the added horror of having to report to the police? Yes, this comes from a cabal that otherwise wants to keep the government out of your lives. Even Josef Stalin wouldn’t think of this.

What does the dream team have to say on the many policy issues facing a troubled state? We have a bunch of lame and poorly thought out tax cuts and Cooch playing hardware store populist. Cuccinelli was against McDonnnell’s mammoth road building tax plan and has since backed away from his opposition.

Is this good news for Terry McAuliffe, who has plenty of issues of his own? Yes, I would think. Cuccinelli doesn’t need the fringe hard right voters. He’s already got them in his pocket. He needs the center and Mark and the Bishop aren’t going to be much help there.

It boggles the mind how Virginia is so schizo. It is attracting hundreds of thousands of newcomers who are running the state’s economy and are dragging it into the 21st century world. Yet the Republicans put up people like this who aren’t dragging us to Virginia’s recent dark past but to medieval times.

Global investors might think twice or three times before investing in this freak show.

“The Most Massive Tuition Increase in Virginia History”

rao

VCU President Michael Rao

Virginia Commonwealth University pulled a fast one last week. In announcing the tuition increases approved by the Board of Visitors Friday, the administration omitted explicit mention of a not insignificant item — the fact that the tuition and fees paid by incoming freshmen and transfer students taking a normal course load next year will be 21% higher than entering students in the current year.

That, former VCU Dean Robert D. Holsworth was quoted in the Times-Dispatch as saying, amounts to “the most massive increase in tuition in Virginia history.”

VCU spun the story as a modest 4.2% increase in tuition for current in-state students, along with a complex restructuring of the tuition system from a flat charge per semester to a charge based on the number of credit hours. But depending upon the particular scenario, says Holsworth, one of only two board members to vote against the tuition package, some students could wind up paying 27% more!

So much for Governor Bob McDonnell’s request to Virginia universities to hold tuition hikes to the inflation rate (1.5% in the past 12 months). And so much for the governor influencing higher ed policy through his appointments to boards of visitors. Twelve of VCU’s 16 board members are McDonnell appointees. Only two members — Holsworth and Alexander B. McMurtrie — opposed the package.

Predictably, VCU administrators blamed cutbacks in state support for higher education. State support for VCU fell from $225.6 million in 2007, before the Great Recession, to $186.9 million in the current fiscal year, a decline of $38.7 million. (I pulled those numbers from state budget documents. VCU president Michael Rao put the decline at $52 million.)

What the administration did not stress in public comments is the fact that the university more than made up the difference by hiking tuition and other charges. Other (non-state) spending increased $169 million in Fiscal 2007 to $828 million in Fiscal 2014. That sufficed to increase overall VCU revenues by about 15% over that same seven-year period compared to cumulative inflation of 13%.

Next year’s tuition increase will make VCU less affordable and accessible to the first-generation college students the university has served in the past, Holsworth said. VCU students already shoulder the second heaviest debt load upon graduation in the state. These aggressive hikes could well push it into the No. 1 spot. “My concern is about the students and parents,” he told me. “Does anyone institutionally speak for those families any more?”

According to the T-D, President Rao said that the only alternative to the tuition increase would be “to lower our ambitions.”

The VCU board action kept alive the institution’s ambition, like that of every other college and university, to rise in the esteem of students, faculty, peers and the U.S. News & World-Report annual rankings. As for the desire of future students to graduate without crippling debt, they’ll have to adjust their ambitions a little lower.

The War on the Middle Class: Virginia Tech Edition

Virginia Tech has joined the University of Virginia, Virginia Commonwealth University and other universities in giving the ol’ raspberry to Governor Bob McDonnell’s request to hold down tuition increases to the rate of increase in the Consumer Price Index.

Virginia undergraduates will pay 4.9% more in tuition next school year, while out-of-staters will pay 5.0% more. The inflation rate is running around 2% annually.

A special “funds for the future” program will defray some of the increase for lower-income students, reports the Roanoke Times. But if a household with two working parents is making $100,000 or more, the family is out of luck.

Much of the Board of Visitor’s discussion revolved around whether the university has the pricing power to stick it more aggressively to out-of-state students. Suzanne Obenshain, wife of Sen. Mark Obenshain, R-Harrisonburg, argued that the board should ease up on rate increases for in-state students and shift more of the cost to out-of-staters. Tech officials argued that out-of-state enrollment dropped when significant tuition increases were instituted.

Tech enrolls about 6,400 out-of-state students a year. Under Sunday’s increases,  out-of-state students will pay about 156 percent of what it costs to educate them, in effect subsidizing in-state students, reports the Roanoke Times. Resident students pay 61 percent of the cost of their education. In a “compromise,” Tech officials agreed to bump up the out-of-state increase from 4.9% to 5.0%.

The board also discussed “differential pricing” — charging more for degrees like engineering and architecture that require more expensive infrastructure, more expensive faculty and/or lead to more remunerative careers. Vice Rector George Nolen, a retired Siemens Corp. executive, contended that a Tech degree in engineering is under-priced from a market standpoint. Engineering students can afford to take out bigger loans because they’ll have higher-paying jobs when they graduate.

Judging from the Roanoke Times, one topic not up for discussion was how to hold down costs. The entire debate revolved around how to squeeze more blood from a turnip. Under today’s higher-ed mantra, the poor get financial aid, the rich don’t need it, and the middle-class just has to bend over and take it.

– JAB

McAuliffe: Can a Schmoozer Transform?

By Peter Galuszka

On Easter Sunday, I was driving in a cold rain to Charlottesville for a family event. My cell phone started beeping with messages from Democratic gubernatorial hopeful Terry McAuliffe.

He said he was on his way to his own family brunch but wanted to tap me for $5. I got similar messages from two other staffers.

Why bother me at Easter? Political analyst Larry Sabato wondered the same thing. In a tweet that day he complained about finding “11 obnoxious messages for $$$. Now I know the answer to the age old Q; Is nothing sacred?”

And that may be McAuliffe’s biggest problem as he faces arch-conservative Ken Cuccinelli in the off-year governor’s race. In my profile of him in Style Weekly, I note that McAuliffe is trying to rein in an expansive personality that has made him a top political schmoozer and fundraiser for Democrats from Jimmy Carter to Bill and Hillary Clinton.

A decades’ long political operative who has never been in elected office, he can be bombastic and smooth, as his recent dealings with GreenTech Automotive shows. He flirted with Virginia for a hybrid  car plant before going to Mississippi. He has been accused of somehow using the car plant to win special visas for foreign workers and maybe misleading the Virginia Economic Development Partnership about his intentions in the Old Dominion.

Meanwhile, he must overcome some of his misunderstandings of traditional Virginia thinking. However, it’s probably a good thing that he’s going to skip the Shad Planking in Wakefield tonight with its Confederate flags where Cuccinelli will be keynote speaker.

While polls are about 50-50 in the race, McAuliffe’s fundraising prowess has shown brightly. In the first quarter, he raised more than $5 million — more than double the take of Cuccinelli, who has hamstrung by not being allowed raise money during the General Assembly session because of his position as Attorney General. Read on…

(Also, here as a Q&A with McAuliffe)

IG of the Day: How Virginia Education Stacks up Internationally

Percentage of students proficient in mathematics, PISA and NAEP equated.

We know Virginia students score better than average nationally in educational achievement, and we know that United States students garner mediocre scores by international measures. What we really need to know, in a globally competitive knowledge economy, is how well Virginia students rank in international comparisons.

According to the American Legislative Exchange Council’s 18th-edition “Report Card on American Education,” Virginia falls between Austria and Slovakia in educational achievement. I suppose it could be worse. West Virginia students exhibit levels of achievement comparable to Turkey, Mississippi to Uruguay. But, then, the best schools — Massachusetts, Minnesota, Vermont, Kansas, South Dakota — are comparable to top European countries, although they lag the top Asian countries. Obviously, we could do better.

View the report to see Virginia’s report card. ALEC, a conservative think tank, gives Virginia education policy a C-, with a spectacular F for its policies regarding charter schools. Virginia’s state performance ranking, which measures overall 2011 scores for low-income students and their gains and losses on the NAEP test, is a middle-of-the-road 26.

– JAB

Sullivan’s Plan Optimizes UVa’s Institutional Self Interest

Construction on UVa’s South Lawn project.

by James A. Bacon

As I argued in my previous blog post, perhaps the University of Virginia ought to go with the primal instincts of its faculty and administration by chucking its mission of providing an affordable, high-quality education to Virginians — what’s so special about them anyway? — and chasing the dream of rising in the ranks of the nation’s elite universities by converting to a private institution. In this blog post, I’m going to follow that idea. As I sit down to write and organize my thoughts, I don’t know where this is going to go. I’m just going to follow the flow of logic.

The University’s problem is the necessity of keeping tuition low for in-state students comprising 69% of the student body, even as the General Assembly tightens state financial support. Peer institutions, especially the elite, private universities, can charge what the market will bear. Even after accounting for the need to provide more financial aid, this line of thinking suggests, those institutions come out ahead financially.

Let us assume that Mr. Jefferson’s University decides to slough off the shackles of public ownership and become a 100% private university. What would that look like?

For purposes of comparison, I assume that UVa would adopt a model something like Duke University, a private “Southern Ivy” institution in a neighboring state with whom UVa has long-standing athletic ties. Duke has roughly two-thirds the number of students of UVa, and it couples its university with a medical system. The size of the institutions’ endowments are comparable: $4.8 billion in 2012 for UVa, $5.6 billion for Duke. Moreover, Duke is ranked No. 8 nationally in the US News & World-Report national university rankings, which means it has achieved a status to which No. 24-ranked UVa aspires.

In the 2012-2013 school year, Duke charged $42,308 in tuition (not including $12,000 in room and board). Fifty percent of all students require financial aid, which averages $37,400 per grant. The net tuition revenue for Duke works out like this:

$617 million nominal tuition revenue
- $273 million financial aid
= $344 million net tuition revenue

Here are the comparable numbers for UVa in the 2012-2013 school year:

$407 million nominal tuition revenue
- $40 million financial aid (Access Virginia)
= $367 million net tuition revenue

Here’s what it would look like if UVa shifted to the Duke model, charging what Duke charges for tuition, granting financial aid on the same basis, and foregoing any state support:

$893 million nominal tuition revenue
- $395 million financial aid
- $130 million state aid
= $368 million net tuition revenue

Whoah, I didn’t expect that! I was fully expecting UVa to come out way ahead financially under the Duke model. A a gain of only $1 million is hardly worth the political blow back of abandoning its traditional mission and converting from a public to a private institution.

Based on this back-of-the-envelope analysis, it appears that UVa’s institutional interests are best served by tweaking the current model as President Teresa Sullivan proposes — charging close-to-market prices for out-of-state students, aggressively jacking up tuition for in-state students (whose tuition will increase more rapidly under Sullivan’s proposed plan than for out-of-staters), dispensing a parsimonious level of financial aid and continuing to pocket the state contribution, all the while lamenting how chintzy the state is.

I have cobbled together the numbers from Internet sources, and there may be important financial considerations that I am overlooking. I freely admit, this is a quick-and-dirty analysis — and that may be describing it generously. Moreover, I am open to the idea that I should have picked a different university than Duke for purposes of comparison. But if I’m close to the mark, it appears that Sullivan’s plan is better calculated to advance the institution’s interests than any other. Whether the chosen path optimizes the aims of the students is a different matter entirely.

The “New” Mind of the South

By Peter Galuszka

What is “the South” all about?

It’s a great question about what could fairly be described the most unique, tortured and remote region of the United States. Being “Southern” requires not only a special state of mind, but a special spirit that is, by turns, as alluring as it is odious. It produces lots of consternation among rational thinkers since the Southern cocktail is such a powerful blend of contrasts.

One of the first penetrating examinations of this phenomenon came in 1940 from a Charlotte newspaperman named W.J. Cash. His “Mind of the South” stunned me as I read it in college since I was undergoing my own personal identity crisis about whether I was a Southerner or not (probably not since my parents are from up north). If you want a clear-headed and tough look about white elites playing the race and class card for profits, look no further.

Now comes another book “The New Mind of the South,” (Simon & Schuster) that gives us an update on some of the same ideas. Author Tracy Thompson, a former reporter for the Atlanta Constitution and The Washington Post gives us a nice, likeable read exploring how the Southern conundrum remains despite some profound changes including waves of immigrants and Yankees, suburbanization, the fall of employment in farming and manufacturing and the entire idea that the very adjective of “Southern” is being diluted.

First off, Thompson’s book is not as important as Cash’s work, which was written during Jim Crow, anti-union strife and a year after the gushy romanticism of Hollywood’s “Gone With the Wind.” This doesn’t mean Thompson’s work shouldn’t be read.

Thompson comes from a Georgia and Alabama family and grew up in Atlanta although she spent much of her recent adult life in the D.C. suburbs. That in no way detracts from her acute observations about the region delivered in the gracious charm that Southern women have, save for that sharp stiletto of wit that she can whip out when the mood suits. (When I was a young newspaper reporter in North Carolina and out on the town dating local belles, I was cut many times).

Thompson’s modern South wavers between change and history, all adding up to a memory that won’t go away and perhaps never should. The South never can escape slavery, its violence, its hypocrisy and the War. “The Civil War,” she writes, “is like a mountain range that guards against all roads into the South: you can’t go there without encountering it.”

The epicenter of preserving the memory, naturally, is in Virginia, where the memory organizations are based, such as the United Daughters of the Confederacy, nestled in Richmond. The UDC spent the latter half of the 19th Century and the early part of the 20th erecting marble monuments to Confederate soldiers in just about every town south of the Mason-Dixon line. The organization was the way the “South’s ruling white elite,” could “revere the memory of those heroes in grey.”

By extension, this orgy of honor resulted in plenty of nasty stuff, such as a 1913 purge of textbooks in Texas that were considered to be written from too much of a “New England” point of view when it came to the war. There was far worse, stuff, of course, namely lynchings and the Ku Klux Klan, and Thompson presses how such events that occurred near her Georgia childhood home were somehow never mentioned. (As a grade school pupil in West Virginia, I never heard about labor wars against coal barons, either)

Such mythology remains strong today through such groups as the Sons of Confederate veterans, the UDC and even in fourth grade books printed in Connecticut recently that taught children that thousands of slaves fought for the South. Virginia got rid of the books after the error was revealed.

Thompson has some colorful reporting on a UDC event she attended in 2008 in Fredericksburg. Called “Children of the Confederacy,” the program brought together moms and their kids dressed up like Scarlett O’Hara and Ashley Wilkes. She writes:

“On the other side sat a little blond boy of about two, sucking on a sippy cup and wearing a tiny pair of neatly creased Confederate gray flannel trousers, suspenders and a Rebel kepi hat. Before I could ask her where on earth a person went to find a Confederate Army private’s uniform in size 2T, the program started: an invocation, followed by a salute to the Christian flag, a hymn, the Pledge of Allegiance “The Star Spangled Banner,” Of, of course, “Dixie.”’

As part of her youth quest, Thompson also takes us to Asheboro, N.C., a small town in the faltering textile belt. At a strip mall, she meets with about two dozen high school students of Hispanic descent. She asks how many were born in North Carolina. About two third said they were. “How many of you consider yourselves Southerners?” she asked. The group looked confused.

Indeed, North Carolina has the fastest growing immigrant population in the country as foreign-born workers flock to its farm fields and poultry plants among other jobs. This is not a new thing.  My parents lived for years in a small Eastern N.C. town where my dad had a medical practice. They had been there since the 1960s and although outsiders, they were very much a part of the community. Being North Carolina (unlike snooty Richmond), it wasn’t hard being accepted. Starting in the 1980s, so many Hispanic newcomers started coming that the Catholic Church added a Spanish Mass. When Dad died in 2004, his funeral service was said by a priest from Colombia.

North Carolina may be more welcoming but other Southern states are reeling from immigrants calling them “freeloaders, gangbangers and anchor babies,” Thompson writes. Virginia, notably Prince William County and Atty. Gen. Ken Cuccinelli, has dabbled with anti-Hispanic laws requiring citizen checks whenever they are stopped. This was the case in Alabama, which ended up badly embarrassed by the rousting of foreign-looking people. It turned out that the very first person pulled over after the Alabama law went into effect was “a German-born Mercedes-Benz executive,” Thompson writes. The German carmaker, which had been recruited vigorously by Alabama officials, builds Mercedes SUVs at the town of Vance.

The tension between older residents and newer ones isn’t the only question. Thompson takes us to dying towns in the Mississippi Delta that are still thriving in an agricultural sense thanks to massive, two-story-high tractors. People, however, are fleeing, despite attempts to play the tourism card and erect museums to blues musicians.

She gives us a good chapter on her hometown of Atlanta, which had started to boom after World War II when it beat out Birmingham for a huge new airport.  Atlanta has its problems – an overweening inferiority complex, an over-eagerness to please, far too many cars and bad planning and chronic water shortages. But the city is an economic dynamo and does outclass other Southern cities such as Richmond, which could have been more like Atlanta under different, more enlightened leadership.

The author even gives us her thoughts on New Urbanism:

“. . .You could make a case that New Urbanism is not a radical idea at all, but a return to an older and more conservative past. If you think about it, the only significant design difference between a twenty-first century New Urbanist town and the 1930s-era Alabama town of “To Kill A Mockingbird” is the presence of a fiber-optic cable: both are founded on the ideas of neighborhoods where houses have front porches and sit close to the street, where ‘downtown’ is within walking distance and where there is enough commercial variety that only a few demands ever require a car.”

Despite the many changes, Thompson concludes that the “Southern” identity will never slip down the memory hole. She’s written a good book — not as good as the original and she doesn’t mention Cash nearly enough – but very worthwhile.

McAuliffe Pitches Jobs vs. Ideology

 By Peter Galuszka

“Fantastic,” says Terry McAuliffe as he listens to officials at the Culpeper, Va., campus of Germanna Community College talk about projects ranging from designing machine controls to a weight-loss competition. The tall, curly-haired McLean businessman — a Democrat who wants to be Virginia’s next governor — walks through a campus building while tossing out a barrage of questions and furiously taking notes. “I’m going to help with you with that, Ben,” he says to one teacher. “These community colleges are just jewels,” he remarks to another.

The visit to the Germanna campus, on which I tagged along in February, is part of McAuliffe’s effort to cast himself as a moderate jobs creator in a head-to-head campaign against firebrand Republican Attorney General Ken Cuccinelli II. The off-year race is already attracting national attention as Republicans seek to turn the page from their drubbing in the 2012 elections. The media are watching closely to see how Cuccinelli will play his hand — how much will he tone down the rhetoric that’s made him a star on the right? — and a flood of out-of-state money is expected to flow to both candidates.

“My focus is all on economic development,” McAuliffe says flatly. “It’s job-creation, and that’s why I am touring every community college in Virginia. That is my focus — to bring mainstream, pro-business ideas. My opponent’s more into a social, ideological agenda.”

This bread-and-butter strategy is as obvious as it is essential. Early polls show the two candidates running neck and neck, but Cuccinelli has assets that could give him an edge: experience in state government and a better-known name. News this week that Republican Lt. Gov. Bill Bolling doesn’t have the cash to mount an independent bid only puts more pressure on McAuliffe to reach beyond the safely anti-Cuccinelli, Democratic base. University of Virginia analyst Larry Sabato and his colleagues noted that Bolling’s decision leaves the state with “two deeply flawed candidates” who “have limited positive appeal.”

McAuliffe indeed has baggage to overcome. In decisively losing the Democratic primary for governor in 2009 to underwhelming state Sen. Creigh Deeds, he was unable to shake off an image as a hard-charging Democratic Party operative and former fundraiser for Bill Clinton. More recently, the Connecticut-born banker-turned-entrepreneur has been criticized for locating a hybrid-car factory in Mississippi instead of Virginia — a story line that offers an obvious counterattack to his Virginia-jobs-first appeal.

McAuliffe clearly will have to contend again with accusations that he is a carpetbagger out of touch with Virginia’s problems. The Cuccinelli campaign played that card this month when it ridiculed McAuliffe for urging in a tweet from Florida that Virginia residents take care as snow approached. McAuliffe’s answer is to stress his Old Dominion ties: “My wife and I have lived in the same home in Northern Virginia for 21 years,” he says. “We have five children. I want our children to stay here and have jobs.”

This outsider problem may actually be less than meets the eye. Plenty of successful Virginia politicians did not grow up in the Old Dominion. One is none other than hugely popular Democrat Mark Warner, an Indiana-born entrepreneur who ran Douglas Wilder’s 1989 campaign for governor before becoming a successful governor himself and then a U.S. senator.

Warner’s brand of tech-savvy centrism clearly has not been lost on McAuliffe. As he steps through classrooms at Germanna, he regularly brings up Warner’s name. He also praises fellow Democrat Tim Kaine, another former governor who became a U.S. senator, and even Republican Gov. Robert F. McDonnell, as pro-business leaders. In contrast with Cuccinelli, McAuliffe backs McDonnell’s breakthrough with the General Assembly that produced the first real money for roads since 1986. “I’ve got to give Gov. McDonnell credit for keeping the discussion going,” he says.

The big question is whether identifying with practical politicians such as McDonnell will be enough to distance independents and moderate Republican voters — who might be turned off by McAuliffe’s deep history with the Democratic Party — from Cuccinelli and the tea party movement that stands with him.

Cuccinelli may be wondering the same thing. Lately, he seems to be avoiding inflammatory rhetoric (there was hardly a reference to gays, abortion or any other social flashpoint to be found in his recent book about constitutional federalism). He might be wise to stick to that approach. McAuliffe is clearly planning to pounce if Cuccinelli goes rogue.

“I always say the most important family value you can have is a job,” McAuliffe says at the end of his community college tour. “There’s a real difference between us, and we can’t be sending out signals with a social-ideological agenda that says that people aren’t wanted. We can’t divide people. We’ve got to unite them.”

(Note: This is article appears in the Local Opinions section of The Washington Post)

http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/the-frame-mcauliffe-wants-jobs-vs-ideology/2013/03/15/caf57a3e-8c11-11e2-9f54-f3fdd70acad2_story.html

NoVa Segregation — or Self Separation?

Guess whose schools are getting more segregated? Nearly four out of five Latino students in Northern Virginia are enrolled in predominantly minority schools, according to the Los Angeles-based Civil Rights Project. “About 7 percent of those students went to ‘intensely segregated minority schools’ — ones where less than 10 percent of students were white and a large majority of students lived in poverty,” summarizes the Washington Post.

The Post quotes Virginia Commonwealth University education professor Genevieve Siegel-Hawley: ““When we look at school enrollment today, it’s no longer a black-and-white story. It’s a very multiracial one. But alongside that growing diversity, there are also persistent patterns of segregation.”

Two decades ago, summarizes the Post, very few black or Latino students attended racially isolated public schools in Northern Virginia. But by 2010, as immigration surged, 7 percent of Latino students and 5 percent of African Americans were in schools where less than 10 percent of students were white and where poverty rates were high.

(The Post doesn’t name the study or link to it, and I cannot find it on the Internet. However, I did locate a study, “Southern Slippage,” published by the Civil Rights Project and co-authored by Siegel-Hawley in September 2012.)

Bacon’s bottom line: Siegel-Hawley, who advocates “continued or new court oversight of Southern school districts,” uses the emotionally loaded phrase, “persistent patterns of segregation.” “Segregation” is an especially charged term to use in Virginia, with its history of slavery, Jim Crow and white flight. But this is 2013, not 1953, and while clearly there are schools where the student body consists overwhelmingly of minorities, I have a problem with assuming, without further evidence, that separation equals segregation, which smacks of widespread discrimination and even government-enforced “separate but equal” laws. And I especially have a problem talking about a “persistent” pattern of segregation for Latinos, who barely had a presence in Virginia 30 years ago.

As much as I like to tweak Northern Virginians (who tend to be holier-than-thou in their views toward down-state Virginians) for their “segregated” schools, I do not draw the conclusion that something malign is occurring. “Segregated”  schools are a consequence of “segregated” neighborhoods. The question becomes, why are neighborhoods segregated? Do minorities still suffer from rampant discrimination in housing choices? In particular, I would ask, do Latinos suffer from rampant housing discrimination in Northern Virginia?

Or do Latinos, when immigrating in large numbers, as they have done in the Washington region, gravitate to neighborhoods that (a) are affordable and (b) are populated by other Latinos who share the same language similar culture, where churches conduct services in Spanish, and where they can readily access grocers and other merchants who cater to Latino tastes? Really, should we be surprised that first-generation, working-class Latinos want to cluster together, even if it means attending schools where they aren’t blessed by the presence of middle-class white students?

My prediction is that as Latinos are assimilated into American society — especially second-generation Latinos — self-separation will diminish. Northern Virginia’s residential separation, I would suggest, is a very different phenomenon than the segregation of the past and is not something to be regarded as a pretext for government intrusion.

– JAB

Where Have Virginia’s Education Dollars Been Going?

Left out in the cold?

by James A. Bacon

The Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice has published data showing that the number of administrators and other non-teaching staff surged in Virginia between 1992 and 2009 by 100%, far outpacing the 22% increase in the number of students over the same period.

Had administrative overhead grown no faster than the increase in student enrollment, the savings to Virginia school systems would amount to $2.1 billion a year. That’s serious money!

The data appears to be a stunning indictment of runaway costs in Virginia’s educational system. States a Friedman Foundation press release: “Virginia far outpaced other states with the number of excessive personnel outside the classroom with 60,737 more non-teaching staff than teachers, followed by Ohio with 19,040 more non-teaching personnel than teachers.”

The ratio of students to non-teaching staff in FY 2009 was 9.4 to one in Virginia — the lowest ratio in the country, save Vermont (meaning more non-teachers per student), and far lower than the national average of 15.9. Conversely, the student-teacher ratio, 17.3 to one, was significantly higher than the 15.3 national average.

Indeed, the results are so extraordinarily bad that Charles Pyle, a spokesman for the Virginia Department of Education, suggested that the numbers, which came from the National Center for Education Statistics, might be inaccurate.

“There’s a clearly a disconnect here,” Pyle told the Washington Times last week.  “We don’t think there’s been some sudden change in terms of hiring practices in our school divisions. In fact, in more recent years, there’s been an increased focus on the classroom as opposed to the central office. … Something clearly is amiss here, and our challenge is to get to the bottom of it.”

I’m keeping an open mind here. Virginia is such an outlier that the statistics may be flawed. On the other hand, the emphasis on channeling resources into the classroom is a recent policy of the McDonnell administration. The numbers cited in the study carry through 2009, ending before McDonnell took office.

I would be careful before blowing off the numbers as a statistical error. The state Standards of Quality (SOQ), an arcane method for calculating minimum inputs for educational quality, have driven educational spending higher for years. Educational spending has been out of control, and much of that spending has gone to administrators and non-teacher support staff.

To get to the bottom of the issue, I have submitted contacted both the Department of Education and the study author, Benjamin Scafidi, for comments on the accuracy of the statistics. I will report back if I hear from them.

Update: Pyle called back this afternoon. He says the DOE is pretty confident that the outlier results for Virginia reflect a data error. Trends for the commonwealth were consistent with those of other states — better than some, worse than others — until 2005. Then the trend shot through the roof. “We have a good idea of what happened,” he said. “Positions that should have been mapped to instructional categories were mapped to administrative categories. Now we have to find out why.”

The Virginia DOE is checking to see if there were any changes in federal instructions on how to submit the data, how those changes might have been interpreted, and how they might have been applied.

Update: It appears that DOE has experienced other problems reporting data to Uncle Sam. According to this Times-Dispatch Politifact article, the National Center for Educational Statistics showed that Virginia’s student-teacher ratio had soared between 2005-2006 and 2009-2010. Pyle told Politifact that the data had been coded incorrectly. Hat tip: Michael Cassidy. Dudes, we need to get the data in. Otherwise, we’ll be drawing a lot of unfounded public policy conclusions!