Category Archives: Immigration

The Cooch’s Freak Show Dream Team

cooch dream teamBy Peter Galuszka

Ken Cuccinelli just can’t keep away from the bizarre, but perhaps that’s what makes him what he is.

He stages a convention instead of a primary to neuter Bill Bolling. And since a convention is smaller, it draws more GOP hard-righters than  June bugs on a humid night and they succeed in getting Bishop E.W. Jackson and Mark Obenshain selected. They underline the social conservatism that turns millions off and makes Virginia the butt of jokes on late night talk shows.

The Bishop is an even bigger gay basher than Cuccinelli and says that Planned Parenthood is responsible for more fatalities among African-Americans than the Ku Klux Klan. This may be new to a Harvard Law graduate, but women of any color have a legal right to an abortion within limits. The U.S. Supreme Court said so. Look under Roe vs. Wade.

Then there is the attorney general candidate Mark Obenshain of the legacy Republican family. He proposed and withdrew legislation to require any woman in Virginia who miscarries a pregnancy to report it to the police. The idea is so repulsive it is beyond words. A woman may have miscarried to her great sorrow due to medical reasons and then would have to go through the added horror of having to report to the police? Yes, this comes from a cabal that otherwise wants to keep the government out of your lives. Even Josef Stalin wouldn’t think of this.

What does the dream team have to say on the many policy issues facing a troubled state? We have a bunch of lame and poorly thought out tax cuts and Cooch playing hardware store populist. Cuccinelli was against McDonnnell’s mammoth road building tax plan and has since backed away from his opposition.

Is this good news for Terry McAuliffe, who has plenty of issues of his own? Yes, I would think. Cuccinelli doesn’t need the fringe hard right voters. He’s already got them in his pocket. He needs the center and Mark and the Bishop aren’t going to be much help there.

It boggles the mind how Virginia is so schizo. It is attracting hundreds of thousands of newcomers who are running the state’s economy and are dragging it into the 21st century world. Yet the Republicans put up people like this who aren’t dragging us to Virginia’s recent dark past but to medieval times.

Global investors might think twice or three times before investing in this freak show.

McAuliffe: Can a Schmoozer Transform?

By Peter Galuszka

On Easter Sunday, I was driving in a cold rain to Charlottesville for a family event. My cell phone started beeping with messages from Democratic gubernatorial hopeful Terry McAuliffe.

He said he was on his way to his own family brunch but wanted to tap me for $5. I got similar messages from two other staffers.

Why bother me at Easter? Political analyst Larry Sabato wondered the same thing. In a tweet that day he complained about finding “11 obnoxious messages for $$$. Now I know the answer to the age old Q; Is nothing sacred?”

And that may be McAuliffe’s biggest problem as he faces arch-conservative Ken Cuccinelli in the off-year governor’s race. In my profile of him in Style Weekly, I note that McAuliffe is trying to rein in an expansive personality that has made him a top political schmoozer and fundraiser for Democrats from Jimmy Carter to Bill and Hillary Clinton.

A decades’ long political operative who has never been in elected office, he can be bombastic and smooth, as his recent dealings with GreenTech Automotive shows. He flirted with Virginia for a hybrid  car plant before going to Mississippi. He has been accused of somehow using the car plant to win special visas for foreign workers and maybe misleading the Virginia Economic Development Partnership about his intentions in the Old Dominion.

Meanwhile, he must overcome some of his misunderstandings of traditional Virginia thinking. However, it’s probably a good thing that he’s going to skip the Shad Planking in Wakefield tonight with its Confederate flags where Cuccinelli will be keynote speaker.

While polls are about 50-50 in the race, McAuliffe’s fundraising prowess has shown brightly. In the first quarter, he raised more than $5 million — more than double the take of Cuccinelli, who has hamstrung by not being allowed raise money during the General Assembly session because of his position as Attorney General. Read on…

(Also, here as a Q&A with McAuliffe)

The “New” Mind of the South

By Peter Galuszka

What is “the South” all about?

It’s a great question about what could fairly be described the most unique, tortured and remote region of the United States. Being “Southern” requires not only a special state of mind, but a special spirit that is, by turns, as alluring as it is odious. It produces lots of consternation among rational thinkers since the Southern cocktail is such a powerful blend of contrasts.

One of the first penetrating examinations of this phenomenon came in 1940 from a Charlotte newspaperman named W.J. Cash. His “Mind of the South” stunned me as I read it in college since I was undergoing my own personal identity crisis about whether I was a Southerner or not (probably not since my parents are from up north). If you want a clear-headed and tough look about white elites playing the race and class card for profits, look no further.

Now comes another book “The New Mind of the South,” (Simon & Schuster) that gives us an update on some of the same ideas. Author Tracy Thompson, a former reporter for the Atlanta Constitution and The Washington Post gives us a nice, likeable read exploring how the Southern conundrum remains despite some profound changes including waves of immigrants and Yankees, suburbanization, the fall of employment in farming and manufacturing and the entire idea that the very adjective of “Southern” is being diluted.

First off, Thompson’s book is not as important as Cash’s work, which was written during Jim Crow, anti-union strife and a year after the gushy romanticism of Hollywood’s “Gone With the Wind.” This doesn’t mean Thompson’s work shouldn’t be read.

Thompson comes from a Georgia and Alabama family and grew up in Atlanta although she spent much of her recent adult life in the D.C. suburbs. That in no way detracts from her acute observations about the region delivered in the gracious charm that Southern women have, save for that sharp stiletto of wit that she can whip out when the mood suits. (When I was a young newspaper reporter in North Carolina and out on the town dating local belles, I was cut many times).

Thompson’s modern South wavers between change and history, all adding up to a memory that won’t go away and perhaps never should. The South never can escape slavery, its violence, its hypocrisy and the War. “The Civil War,” she writes, “is like a mountain range that guards against all roads into the South: you can’t go there without encountering it.”

The epicenter of preserving the memory, naturally, is in Virginia, where the memory organizations are based, such as the United Daughters of the Confederacy, nestled in Richmond. The UDC spent the latter half of the 19th Century and the early part of the 20th erecting marble monuments to Confederate soldiers in just about every town south of the Mason-Dixon line. The organization was the way the “South’s ruling white elite,” could “revere the memory of those heroes in grey.”

By extension, this orgy of honor resulted in plenty of nasty stuff, such as a 1913 purge of textbooks in Texas that were considered to be written from too much of a “New England” point of view when it came to the war. There was far worse, stuff, of course, namely lynchings and the Ku Klux Klan, and Thompson presses how such events that occurred near her Georgia childhood home were somehow never mentioned. (As a grade school pupil in West Virginia, I never heard about labor wars against coal barons, either)

Such mythology remains strong today through such groups as the Sons of Confederate veterans, the UDC and even in fourth grade books printed in Connecticut recently that taught children that thousands of slaves fought for the South. Virginia got rid of the books after the error was revealed.

Thompson has some colorful reporting on a UDC event she attended in 2008 in Fredericksburg. Called “Children of the Confederacy,” the program brought together moms and their kids dressed up like Scarlett O’Hara and Ashley Wilkes. She writes:

“On the other side sat a little blond boy of about two, sucking on a sippy cup and wearing a tiny pair of neatly creased Confederate gray flannel trousers, suspenders and a Rebel kepi hat. Before I could ask her where on earth a person went to find a Confederate Army private’s uniform in size 2T, the program started: an invocation, followed by a salute to the Christian flag, a hymn, the Pledge of Allegiance “The Star Spangled Banner,” Of, of course, “Dixie.”’

As part of her youth quest, Thompson also takes us to Asheboro, N.C., a small town in the faltering textile belt. At a strip mall, she meets with about two dozen high school students of Hispanic descent. She asks how many were born in North Carolina. About two third said they were. “How many of you consider yourselves Southerners?” she asked. The group looked confused.

Indeed, North Carolina has the fastest growing immigrant population in the country as foreign-born workers flock to its farm fields and poultry plants among other jobs. This is not a new thing.  My parents lived for years in a small Eastern N.C. town where my dad had a medical practice. They had been there since the 1960s and although outsiders, they were very much a part of the community. Being North Carolina (unlike snooty Richmond), it wasn’t hard being accepted. Starting in the 1980s, so many Hispanic newcomers started coming that the Catholic Church added a Spanish Mass. When Dad died in 2004, his funeral service was said by a priest from Colombia.

North Carolina may be more welcoming but other Southern states are reeling from immigrants calling them “freeloaders, gangbangers and anchor babies,” Thompson writes. Virginia, notably Prince William County and Atty. Gen. Ken Cuccinelli, has dabbled with anti-Hispanic laws requiring citizen checks whenever they are stopped. This was the case in Alabama, which ended up badly embarrassed by the rousting of foreign-looking people. It turned out that the very first person pulled over after the Alabama law went into effect was “a German-born Mercedes-Benz executive,” Thompson writes. The German carmaker, which had been recruited vigorously by Alabama officials, builds Mercedes SUVs at the town of Vance.

The tension between older residents and newer ones isn’t the only question. Thompson takes us to dying towns in the Mississippi Delta that are still thriving in an agricultural sense thanks to massive, two-story-high tractors. People, however, are fleeing, despite attempts to play the tourism card and erect museums to blues musicians.

She gives us a good chapter on her hometown of Atlanta, which had started to boom after World War II when it beat out Birmingham for a huge new airport.  Atlanta has its problems – an overweening inferiority complex, an over-eagerness to please, far too many cars and bad planning and chronic water shortages. But the city is an economic dynamo and does outclass other Southern cities such as Richmond, which could have been more like Atlanta under different, more enlightened leadership.

The author even gives us her thoughts on New Urbanism:

“. . .You could make a case that New Urbanism is not a radical idea at all, but a return to an older and more conservative past. If you think about it, the only significant design difference between a twenty-first century New Urbanist town and the 1930s-era Alabama town of “To Kill A Mockingbird” is the presence of a fiber-optic cable: both are founded on the ideas of neighborhoods where houses have front porches and sit close to the street, where ‘downtown’ is within walking distance and where there is enough commercial variety that only a few demands ever require a car.”

Despite the many changes, Thompson concludes that the “Southern” identity will never slip down the memory hole. She’s written a good book — not as good as the original and she doesn’t mention Cash nearly enough – but very worthwhile.

“I Got Mine from Mah Daddy!”

By Peter Galuszka

One of the stranger attributes of Virginia’s conservatives is their cheesy, Calvinist streak.

Their world view tends to celebrate the rich and powerful, regardless of whether the individual worked diligently and creatively to generate the wealth or if it was inherited. For example, one man (not a Virginian) whom I respect described the attitudes of the old Richmond elite this way: “I got mine from mah Daddy and to hell with everybody else!”

This form of self-entitlement stretches into making moral judgments. If someone is poor and perhaps sick, then it is their fault. They have not punished themselves enough. They have not worked hard enough. If you give them too much, they will just stay that way.

Which brings me to a Washington Post editorial this morning that really rang true. It notes that Gov. Robert F. McDonnell had to be bludgeoned by Democrats into expanding Medicaid for the poor in order to get his convoluted but needed tax hikes to help save the state’s road system.

Why was this quid pro quo necessary? Good question.

Virginia, the Post notes, is a top 10 state for wealth but is No. 48 in per capita spending on Medicaid which protects needy, low income people who can’t afford health insurance. ObamaCare would let the states expand coverage to 400,000 Virginians who need help. The feds will pick up the tab for the first three years and 90 percent to 2020.  Later, it’s a half-half split. Republican governors in Arizona, Florida, Michigan and Ohio have gone along with the expansion, seeing little value in denying the needy.

So why was McDonnell holding his nose?

Because hard right conservatives with a Calvinist streak have too much power, that’s why. McDonnell is paying a price for his tax hikes on roads. The Conservative Political Action Conference, for instance, is not inviting him to their upcoming confab. Arch rival and conservative Ken Cuccinelli is invited.

At the end of the day, who cares what the hard-right thinks? The point is to help the poor, especially when a rich state like Virginia can help.

As conservatives gnash their teeth after their November drubbing and try to find a new bearing point (or drift as the case may be), they need to come to a better idea of compassion.

It might not go down well with the Baconauts and Boomergeddons, but flinty Calvinism and strict dogma on lifestyles, income levels and immigration are not the future. Just ask the millions of Hispanic-Americans in this country who did not exactly support Mitt Romney.

What’s needed in this state is more compassion, not more lectures on how to be successful from the right wing chattering upper classes who probably got their’s from Daddy and Mommy anyway.

Visa Reform and Farmville’s Private Gulag

By Peter Galuszka

Surrounded by coils of security wire, the cream-colored metal complex sits in a small valley just outside Farmville, 60 miles southwest of Richmond. On the ridges above the private Immigration Centers of America-Farmville detention facility, a row of signs warns: “No photos or filming.”

Inside the facility’s entry, just before the airport-style metal detector, displays in Spanish and English warn visitors of a strict dress code. Women’s shorts “shall cover customarily covered areas of the anatomy, including the buttocks and groin area, both when standing and sitting.” For men, muscle shirts and gang colors are verboten. Everyone must wear shoes.

The $21 million jail, opened two years ago by three Richmond businessmen with federal approval, has the feel of a gulag for Spanish speakers. The 1,000 or so detainees inside tend to be Latin Americans who arrived to take low-paying jobs and lack proper visa documents. Some may have committed crimes and await deportation.

Indeed, the ICA-America-Farmville facility is a touchstone of the thorny issue of illegal immigrants who number about 11 million in this country. The privatized jail was created a few years ago during the height of an anti-immigrant craze that was a battle cry for the tea party and some Republicans, such as Prince William County supervisor Corey A. Stewart, who promoted Arizona-style laws to make it easier for police to arrest people they suspect of being in the country illegally.

The mood, however, is shifting rapidly. Republicans are moderating their tough stances after Mitt Romney garnered only 27 percent of Latino voters in the presidential election. President Barack Obama made comprehensive immigration reform a highlight of his Feb. 12 State of the Union address. “Both sides realize that the Hispanic vote is very important,” says Michael Zajur, president of the Virginia Hispanic Chamber of Commerce. He hopes a comprehensive reform plan that allows illegal immigrants to become legal will be in place within two years.

The problem goes far beyond Latin American newcomers here to handle the dirty jobs that the American-born don’t want, such as washing dishes or working in poultry factories. The country’s most significant federal immigrant law, passed in 1952, didn’t anticipate the country’s drastic need for high-tech workers that American schools can’t supply. Policies for H-1B visas, which allow American businesses to temporarily hire foreign-born workers, limit annual admission to 60,000.

High-tech companies in Richmond and Northern Virginia are desperate for qualified engineers and computer experts. The situation, says Debra J. C. Dowd, an immigration lawyer at Richmond’s LeClairRyan law firm, has become so strained that employers take bizarre steps to meet their need for foreign talent.

Some West Coast technology companies, for example, couldn’t get visas for needed foreigners. So they leased a cruise ship and set it up with work stations, Dowd says. The foreign engineers worked aboard ship as it cruised just off the U.S. coast and came into port to attend business meetings. That way, the workers could get into the country as tourists and then return to the ship and sail off to safe waters again.

“It is a function of not being able to find the workers they need,” Dowd says, adding that it also speaks to the weakness of the American educational system. In another example, Facebook had to place 80 foreign engineers in Dublin, Ireland, because it couldn’t get visas for them to work in California, The New York Times reports.

Solutions to such problems include allowing more foreign workers in high demand into the country, speeding up the visa process and perhaps allowing guest workers in for extended periods.

A major sticking point is how to handle the 11 million or so people who are living in the country without legal documentation. Early attempts to address this issue, including an initiative by former President George W. Bush that was regarded as progressive, were shot down by hard-liners who demand deportation for illegal immigrants. Some say a general amnesty is the only answer. The Dream Act, first proposed in 2001, would allow illegal immigrants to stay in the country if they arrived as minors, graduate from high school and are of good moral character.

Obama appears to be taking the middle ground by proposing a clear path to U.S. citizenship for illegal immigrants, but cautions against placing them ahead of foreign nationals who already are here legally. With the growing power of the Latino vote, such proposals stand a chance of passing both houses of Congress.

Since Obama took office, some 400,000 people have been deported, although Dowd says that the Obama administration has been trying to limit deportation to people who have committed serious crimes. Others see the president as not moving very far with immigration. “He should stop the deportations,” says Isabel Castillo, a waitress and immigration rights activist from Harrisonburg, who says Obama is “hypocritical” for voicing support for reform but doing little.

Castillo is an example of how muddled the immigration bureaucracy is. Now 28, Castillo arrived in the United States without documents when she was 6 years old. In 2004, her stepfather petitioned for her citizenship, she says, but the waiting list dates back to 1993.

Should Congress vote for comprehensive reform, what happens to facilities such as ICA-Farmville and other privately owned detention operations in other states? One problem for the ICA-Farmville’s owners is that their success depends on a steady stream of prisoners being investigated by the Immigration and Customs Enforcement division, known as Ice, of the Homeland Security Department, or have been convicted of a serious crimes and will be deported. There will be a need for detention facilities, Dowd says, “but perhaps not as many of them.”

Farmville officials have said they like having the detention facility because the city can get paid $1 to $2 per day per prisoner in fees and it provides jobs.

The ICA-Farmville, built by Richmond businessmen Ken Newsome, Warren Coleman and Russell Harper, does not readily give out information about its operations. In the entrance way to the detention center, a man identifies himself as Jeff Crawford and says he’s the facility director, but declines to speak with Style Weekly. Repeated telephone calls to immigration officials in Fairfax and Washington weren’t returned by press time.

It may take several years, but comprehensive immigration reform could seriously impact ICA-Farmville’s business plans if not put it out of business. “You have plenty of serious criminals out on the streets,” Zajur says. “We have people who only want to better their lives. We don’t need to put those people in a facility like that.” 

Note: This post first appeared in Style Weekly.

“Jeopardy” for Budding World Statesmen

By Peter Galuszka

At Richmond’s Hotel Jefferson, 10 teams of earnest-looking high school students, some in shirt sleeves, pore over notepads as they consider the questions put to them on a big screen, Jeopardy-style, in the Grand Ballroom.

“What percentage of oil used by the United States actually comes from these Persian Gulf countries?” Other questions ask what the problems are in pushing from STEM (Science, Technology Engineering and Math) courses in school and what types of nuclear weapons did the Soviet Union place in Cuba in 1962 and what impact would they have on the U.S. and where?

It’s is the third  session of Academic WorldQuest held by some 40 World Affairs clubs around the country. Winning teams move on to the national contest at Washington’s Georgetown University on April 27. Participants have a chance to compete for college scholarships and iPads and meet with embassy officials from other countries.

This event was sponsored by the World Affairs Council of Greater Richmond (full disclosure, I have been a member for about 10 years) and is repeated by some of the 40 similar, non-profit World Affairs groups across the country. Another session was held by a club in Hampton Roads and their winning team is on its way to nationals in DC as well.

The competitions are a way to keep high school kids on their toes when it comes to understanding global politics, economics and cultures — incredibly important areas that they will face as they begin their careers. It’s tougher than ever for them to keep up thanks to spending cuts in education. The media isn’t helping as it chops away at foreign news bureaus due to costs.

High schools set up teams, pay their entry fee and bone up for three months on materials sent by the World Affairs Councils. These aren’t exactly Dick and Jane tomes. They are copies of actual testimony regarding world issues from the United Nations, Congressional committees, the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland and various government agencies and independent think tanks.

The most recent contest drew teams from Collegiate School, the Douglas Freeman High School, Meadowbrook, Manchester,  Hermitage and Henrico High Schools along with the Maggie Walker Governor’s School. A series of questions are posed before the teams for about one minute. Maggie Walker won in a tiebreaker against Henrico.

Funding came from Richmond-based packaging giant MeadWestvaco and Henrico-based Data Concepts. With all the gloomy talk about sequestration and other budget cutting, it’s good to see that someone’s doing something to keep young people aware of the larger world.

Here Comes Cooch-ageddon!

Illustration credit: Ed Harrington, Style Weekly.

Hard right conservative Kenneth T. Cuccinelli has a very good chance of becoming the next governor. At least that’s my view 11 months out.

I disagree with Cuccinelli on almost everything and will spare my readers the list. But I do agree on one thing: he has proved to be a wily politician. He’s turned the Republican establishment on its head. His likely opponent Terry McAuliffe has yet to prove himself as a viable opponent if he is indeed the Democratic choice, as he now seems he will be. Cuccinelli’s off-year race will be one of the most closely watched by the national media.

Enough talking. Read my cover story in Richmond’s Style Weekly.

It’s Not Your Grandfather’s White Suburb Anymore

By Peter Galuszka

Virginia’s slow and steady color change from red to blue was underscored again in the Nov. 6 election with Barack Obama once again winning the Old Dominion.

As Republicans lick their wounds, they may consider just how reliable GOP bastions of the state are changing and how that very neatly tracks trends that smart growthers have identified and promoted. Old style suburbanites living on relatively large, single family tracts are being displaced by younger voters who may live in more clustered housing near public transit closer to cities.

For the past several decades, the GOP could depend on the former who may live in such predominately white, middle class areas as Loudoun, Prince William or Chesterfield Counties. Yet as housing patterns trend back towards cities and younger people shy away from 1950′s-style,  cul de sac housing in favor of more densely-populated living arrangements, a more moderate electorate is evolving.

This is the thesis of Stephen F. Farnsworth and Stephen P. Hanna, University of Mary Washington professors who write in a Sunday Washington Post Local Opinion piece.

“Republicans have historically relied upon sizable suburban victories — coupled with large majorities in the state’s rural areas — to win statewide. But the GOP margins in the suburbs are eroding,” the say.

Examples may be areas where Mitt Romney won but not really by that much. For instance, he took Stafford and Spotsylvania counties that are in the NOVA-Fredericksburg orbit. Obama, however, got 45 percent in Stafford and 43 percent Spotsylvania. Twelve years ago, Al Gore did much worse there, gaining roughly about seven or so percentage points less.

Even my home county of Chesterfield in suburban Richmond that was bulging with Romney-Ryan signs on lawns voted 45 percent for Obama. Henrico went 55 percent for Obama.

The common denominator for all of these counties is that they were once considered refuge for upwardly-mobile whites who wanted more land and schools that did not have as many African-American children or the tensions of court-ordered integration. Escaping from crime was another motivator.

Such older whites “are followed by younger migrants who are less likely to be able to afford a single-family home on an acre or more. Many do not even want such a spread. These later arrivals manly want to live closer to work and are younger, more ethnically diverse and more Democratic in their partisan loyalties,” write Farnsworth and Hanna.

There a hidden a delicious irony about all of this. As Bacon’s Rebellion readers know, one world view of the blog is that old-fashioned suburban living settlement patterns are wasteful and inefficient. Regarding Richmond, this view supports the entire “RVA” shtick that the “Creative Class” is relocating or not leaving more urban areas as they ride bikes, write software and go to art museums.

Supporters of this view, however, tend to be reliably Republican although they might not necessarily support hard right GOP social issues, such as fighting  abortion and forcing women seeking abortion undergo embarrassing trans-vaginal exams. The issue is entirely a non-starter with the “Creative Class.”

The GOP needs to reset their thinking. Also, backers of this “Creative Class” fad, who include members of Richmond’s entrenched and hard-right elite, need to somehow square such contradictions with what they are preaching.

In the end, it probably doesn’t matter anyway because there’s not much they can do to alter the state’s color change.

President Barack Obama!

By Peter Galuszka

President Barack Obama’s re-election and success with Virginia in Tuesday’s contest could provide  a fresh opportunity to solidify more economic recovery than what have otherwise may have happened. It could be a real chance for bipartisan progress.

Here’s my takeaway at 2:30 a.m.:

  • Virginia has again shown that it is morphing into a different kind of state. Losing some but not all power are the Old Republicans and their new iterations. Gaining power are Democrats, many of them newcomers with diverse backgrounds.
  • Bye, bye Tea Party. The anti-government, anti-spending curmudgeons of  two years ago are quickly fading in influence. Good thing. They had been a major and negative force trumping any bipartisan progress. Although Eric Cantor got re-elected, he’ll have a harder time playing obstructionist since he’ll no longer have a parade to try to race to get in front of and lead. And maybe we can give those God-awful Patrick Henry costumes to Goodwill.
  • Obamacare will not be repealed. GOP hasn’t the votes. Alleluia. Although flawed, Obamacare means that more people will be insured and health insurers won’t be able to get away with such practices as denying coverage for “pre-existing” conditions. No goofy vouchers for Medicare recipients. Not with Democrats controlling the Senate. Let’s get on with price transparency and breaking the stranglehold of Big Insurance and Big Pharma.
  • Hello manufacturing. Goodbye “Knowledge Economy.”  Obama can now solidify gains in the reviving American economy and help us once again make real things instead of just be providers of services that only help export jobs.
  • No more lying ads. We won’t have to listen to Romney  falsehoods about how Obama has a ‘War on Coal” and how he helped kill a crappy Bill’s Barbecue chain and send Jeep jobs to China.
  • Toodles, Ayn Rand. We won’t have to listen to the importance of selfishness by such faddish True Believers as Paul Ryan who was surprisingly irrelevant in the campaign. Now we can concentrate on helping Americans, not lecturing them on their irresponsible, spend thrift ways.
  • Energy. Inevitable changes will proceed, including towards cleaner natural gas, away from dirtier coal and towards renewables. Now we might start paying serious attention to greenhouse gases and make coal mines safer.
  • George Allen’s defeat means we won’t have to turn our clocks back two decades.
  • It will be harder to wage the War on Women with social conservatives trying to dictate unwanted oversight of their personal matters. Medieval advocates of “legal rape” can crawl back in their holes. It looks like Roe V. Wade is secure.
  • All in all a great night.

Virginia Immigrants: More Prosperous than the Natives

With more than 900,000 foreign-born residents living here in 2010, Virginia had the ninth largest immigrant population in the United States, reports the Commonwealth Institute in a new report, “Critical Assets: The State of Immigrants in Virginia’s Economy.” Forty percent of Virginia immigrants hold a bachelor’s degree or higher. They are more likely to participate in the workforce than native-born Americans. Their poverty rate is lower and their rate of business ownership is higher. Three quarters have the ability to speak “well” or “very well” in English.

It’s an interesting study, jam-packed with statistics. Of particular interest is the breakdown of foreign-born populations by political jurisdiction and the change in that population between 2000 and 2010. There you will find obscure factoids such as that rural Highland County had the lowest percentage of immigrants in the commonwealth in 2010, amounting to only 0.2% of the population, while Fairfax County had the highest percentage, with 28.8%.

My only complaint is that the Commonwealth Institute made no effort to distinguish between immigrants who are here legally and those who aren’t. Judged by education, income, employment, poverty and business-ownership metrics, I would wager that legal immigrants fare very well in Virginia and are major net contributors to society, while those that are here illegally tend to be less educated and less of an economic asset. Such a conclusion, if it proved to be accurate, would not meaningfully change the debate about undocumented immigrants but it might make Virginians more receptive to the idea of allowing more legal immigrants into the country.

– JAB