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A Riddle Wrapped in an Enigma

 

How much will the Rail to Dulles project cost? Probably a lot more than the $4 billion figure commonly cited. But there are too many intangibles to say for sure. 

 

by Peter Galuszka

 

Pick a number, any number: $1.8 billion, $2.1 billion or $2.4 billion.

 

That's how much the first phase of the huge Rail-to-Dulles project might cost.

 

Pick again: $1 billion, $4 billion or $6 billion.

 

Those numbers represent past and current estimates  for the entire, 23-mile-long spur proposed to extend the Washington Metro system to Tysons Corner, Dulles International Airport and Loudoun County -- all from engineering studies or educated guesses.

 

Confused? Join the club. The fact is, no one knows how much Rail to Dulles will cost. Although a $4 billion number is widely bandied about, it is both provisional and out of date.

 

Ascertaining the cost of what is shaping up as Virginia's biggest public works project ever is no mere esoteric exercise. Someone has to pay for all that construction. State officials have a general idea of where the first $4 billion or so will come from -- that's why they're proceeding with the project. But if more authoritative estimates exceed that number by a significant margin, the entire funding edifice, which depends upon fragile federal support, could collapse.

 

Based on our inquiries, Bacon's Rebellion has found that there are so many uncertainties associated with Rail-to-Dulles financing that state officials would be well advised to begin working on a back-up plan to improve mobility in western Fairfax County.

 

Before anyone can come up with a remotely accurate estimate for building the heavy rail extension, planners have to crunch thousands of very slippery numbers. One set is the annual inflation rate in the price of construction commodities that are subject to hard-to-forecast global economic pressures. Another is forecasting the greater Washington area's labor conditions: Will skilled workers demand tip-top wages in a market that's enjoyed a commercial construction boom for years, or will pay pressures ease?

 

Estimates on construction cost inflation rates run the gamut from 3.5 to 30 percent a year, depending on who is doing the estimating and how much credence they give other factors, including the impact of China’s voracious building boom on global steel and concrete supplies.

 

Furthermore, estimators have to place a monetary value on risks such as time delays resulting from labor strikes or natural disasters, and price spikes resulting from disruptions to global markets. Finally, the question must be answered, who will share those risks? Will the burden be borne by Dulles Rail Transit, a private consortium of the Bechtel Corporation and Washington Group International (WGI), which would insist upon charging more to compensate for those risks? Or will taxpayers in Fairfax and Loudoun Counties, or the Commonwealth of Virginia, take on the risk of getting stuck with a nasty, unbudgeted  surprise?

 

Fact is, no one knows yet. For the moment, state officials have a serious number only for Phase One, which runs from the Orange Line offshoot to Wiehle Avenue in Reston. Initial estimates included in an Environmental Impact Statement in the summer of 2005 indicated the first phase would cost $1.8 billion. But this spring, a Bechtel-WGI study concluded that the cost had marched on to $2.1 billion. A final estimate  is due soon. But remember: Even that is only a more refined estimate based on detailed design specifications. Although it will be the most authoritative estimate yet in a sea of speculation, many uncertainties will be built into the number. 

 

Bechtel-WGI must factor in the fluctuating cost of construction materials. Concrete, rebar and other steel are rising considerably. According to the Nov. 13 edition of the authoritative trade journal Engineering News-Record, steel prices this year are up 11.3 percent and cement is up 5.3 percent with skilled labor up 3.5 percent. According to sources close to the construction industry, other commodity prices have increased from eight to 10 percent to up to 30 percent. The one glimmer of good news on the inflation front is asphalt, which may be down a bit, as oil prices have been lower than they were last spring.

 

But calculating the final estimate is not the end of the process. In acting upon that estimate, Kaine administration officials face a difficult decision: Should they stick with the Bechtel-WGI consortium to build Phase One, or should they open up the project for competitive bids in the hope they can get a better deal -- with the attendant risk that delay could add millions of dollars in inflationary costs with each passing month? On the other hand, the consortium, which has the inside track on winning a negotiated contract, is incentivized to pad the estimate to protect its profit margins. On the one hand, the group wants to keep the estimate low enough to fend off a move to open up the contract to competitors. 

 

Assuming that the Kaine administration pursues a negotiated contract, then comes the job of horse trading with Bechtel-WGI. The contract must stipulate who gets stuck with the tab if something goes amiss, as it did, for instance, in Bechtel’s disastrous Big Dig project in Boston.

 

“We expect,” Virginia Transportation Secretary Homer Pierce told Bacon's Rebellion, “a final negotiated price late this winter or early this spring that will reflect all available information on material cost and the extent to which risk is shared by the private and public sector.”

 

So, what’s to keep huge and politically muscular construction companies from asking for the sky and the moon? The brake of last resort is the Federal Transit Administration, which has a treasure chest of $52.6 billion over six years to spend on new public transit projects across the nation. The Dulles rail project comes under the “New Starts” part of the recently passed law with the ponderous name of the “Safe, Accountable, Flexible, Efficient Transportation Equity Act – A Legacy for Users” (known by Washington insiders as “SAFETEA-LU”).

 

New Starts provides federal funding for a plethora of rail and light rail public transit across the country. The biggest projects include rail and light rail in Portland, Ore., Seattle and the Dallas-Fort Worth area. New Start’s budget for fiscal year 2007 is $8.9 billion, with a pool of $1.5 billion earmarked for discretionary projects. Rail to Dulles would compete with other projects for a share of the discretionary funds.

 

As of last spring’s estimate, all of Rail to Dulles' Phase One including build-out is estimated to cost $2.1 billion. Some $900 million of that would come from the Federal Transit Authority and New Start. About 25 percent of the sum, about $525 million, would come from the state of Virginia through Dulles Toll Road revenues, while another 25 percent or $525 million would come from Fairfax County through a special tax district set up by private business entities along the rail corridor. A source for about $125 million, or any overruns, has yet to be identified.

 

If FTA funds the $900 million for Dulles rail, that is equivalent to 60 percent of its budget for the entire country for fiscal year 2007. The feds won't pay the entire sum in one fiscal year, but the comparison shows how big Phase One is compared to the funds available.

 

That makes Rail to Dulles problematic because, observers say, the FTA is under enormous pressure from members of Congress to spread the transit pork around. “The FTA is there to delay things so they can satisfy all those Congressmen on Capitol Hill," says Ken Reid, an anti-Dulles rail activist and a city council person in Leesburg. "They all want money for the transit projects in their district, so the bureaucratic game is to slow things down so they don’t give all away to projects in a few districts."

 

Whether Reid’s analysis is correct or not, the FTA does have a complicated system to assess whether projects should be funded or not. A complex matrix considers such factors as how many automobiles are displaced by rail, how many minutes of car commuting are saved and how many low income neighborhoods are served, to ensure that the project is economically efficient, socially just and politically justifiable. The FTA doesn’t have the power to nix projects outright, but it can recommend withholding federal funding -- a club that Virginia's congressional delegation takes very seriously indeed. Says one FTA official: "We rate projects nationally."

 

Because the Dulles Rail Project is one of the top three projects in the New Start program, it is getting special scrutiny. The FTA is wielding enormous pressure on how fast the Dulles project proceeds, what form it will take and what physical and financial requirements will be made.

 

If there's one thing that everyone associated with the project agrees upon, it's that the project cannot proceed without the federal contribution. The state's transportation coffers are nearly empty.

 

The difficulty, sources say, is that when FTA runs the projects numbers through its New Start matrix, Dulles rail looks marginal. That's why this summer the Kaine administration pulled the plug on the idea of running a tunnel underneath Tysons Corner -- an option favored by a broad cross-spectrum of developers, conservationists and civic boosters.

 

(As an aside, the tunnel controversy shows just how squishy the numbers are. One group estimated $200 million for the tunnels, while other group of engineers thought $250 million would do it. Bechtel and WGI, meanwhile, came in with a whopping $800 million figure.)

 

When federal officials ran the tunnel numbers through the FTA matrix, they blanched, says Homer. “They told us, ‘You can’t even show us what the numbers for the tunnel are. Even $200 million more might be too much and put it over the edge." Despite his earlier support for the tunnel option, which was better suited to re-developing Tysons Corner as a more cohesive, pedestrian-friendly urban center, Gov. Timothy M. Kaine nixed the tunnel in favor of aerial tramways over Tyson Corner.

 

The tunnel story shows the importance of another nebulous consideration: the time sensitivity of the project. One reason FTA administrators strongly advised against the tunnel plan was that it would add months to the construction time, which could jack up the overall price considerably. As Homer notes, “You have to be able to move in and build these quickly."

 

FTA officials are notoriously tight lipped. They refused to illuminate their thinking about the Rail to Dulles project for Bacon's Rebellion. And their decision- making process has been opaque to state officials. One conclusion that Homer drew from the tunnel controversy, however, is that there is a ceiling price for Phase One. Says he: "The FTA cost/benefit analysis effectively caps Phase One at from $2.3 to $2.4 billion.” If Homer’s deduction is correct, it means there isn't much room for cost escalation.

 

If history is any guide, even that figure may be off. Bill Vincent, general counsel of the Washington-based Breakthrough Technologies Institute and a proponent of Bus Rapid Transit, notes that only 10 years ago, the estimate for the entire Dulles rail line was a mere $1.45 billion.

 

The 1997 study that came up with the figure was done by engineering Parsons Brinkerhoff, which was a partner with Bechtel in the ill-fated “Big Dig” in Boston. “If you go back to that figure, all you see is one escalation in price after the other,” Vincent says. The final cost figure, assuming the project actually gets built, is anyone’s guess.

 

-- November 13, 2006

 

 

 

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