Guest Column

Conaway Haskins


 

Race, Class and Affirmative Action

 

Jim Webb supports affirmative action for African- Americans to counteract historical injustices of slavery and segregation. But poverty, he notes, does not discriminate on the basis of skin color.


 

On Saturday, April 8, after attending a Richmond Webb-for-Senate event, I had the pleasure of meeting with Jim Webb for about a half-hour. We talked about a range of issues including foreign policy, the Iraq War, health care policy, Katrina recovery, and even about our families and their histories. The Senatorial hopeful, who is seeking the Democratic nomination to run against U.S. Sen. George Allen, was warm, engaging, and funny, and he never asked for my vote. He is the genuine article and sticks to his principles.

 

Among other topics, we discussed the recent controversy regarding Webb's not-so-recent writings on affirmative action and diversity programs. Webb was not surprised by Harris Miller's attacks, but he was disappointed. Last week the Webb campaign responded this way:

 

Jim Webb’s primary opponent seriously distorted his views about race relations in this country, and about affirmative action. Jim fully supports affirmative action for African Americans…The point is, Jim believes strongly that Americans have more in common than they have differences. For example, poverty does not discriminate based on skin color. And in the modern era we are divided more and more along class lines than by race. There are 37 million Americans of all races living in poverty. Nearly one-quarter of all African Americans still live in poverty. To create a program that gives assistance to some poor Americans while excluding millions of other people in poverty can only further exacerbate racial tension in America. This is an issue of fairness, and these programs must be fair across society.

 

Race is the eternal bugaboo in American society. From the African slavery that predated the Pilgrims to the destruction of the native peoples of this land to the scourge of Jim Crow that plagued Dixie (and manifested itself socially in the Northern states), the stain of racism has never been washed out of the American fabric. It has touched the lives of most Americans in some form, and Virginia, the incubator of American slavery, has had its fair share of racial strife. 

 

My parents, grandparents and most of my in-laws were forced into segregated grade schools and higher education institutions because of the color of their skin. I have had friends and relatives who suffered from racial profiling, were refused mortgage loans for houses in white neighborhoods, suffered through the indignity of school closings during Massive Resistance, and had job opportunities impeded because of race. As a lifelong resident of Virginia (save 2 years in North Carolina), I have also had my share of run-ins with unsavory racism. Thus, I know the issue from both the emotional and intellectual perspectives.

 

As Webb noted at his Richmond appearance and reiterated to me later, affirmative action programs were directly intended to remedy the effects of slavery and follow-on segregation on black people, people like my own family members. As a governmental policy, it was designed to provide targeted and effective measures for helping African Americans overcome the legacy of institutionalized bigotry that denied to them opportunities simply on the color of their skin. However, over time, the implementation of affirmative action grew to include any nonwhite minorities, regardless of the degree of legalized oppression that they faced. The most recent incarnations of affirmative action have come under the diversity rubric.

 

On the face of it, extending opportunities to nonwhite Americans seems like a good idea, and on balance, it remains such. However, the status quo of affirmative action created two problems.

 

First, by expanding the programs to non-black ethnic groups, the impacts of affirmative action policies were essentially diluted for African Americans, particularly the persistent black underclass. Giving affirmative action a general “minority” focus shrunk the pie available specifically to blacks for their advancement and for redressing wrongs they suffered explicitly.

 

Second, some diversity programs were construed in such a manner that any nonwhite person, regardless of economic or class status, received opportunities over poor and disadvantaged whites, many of whom are part of the Scots-Irish culture that Webb eloquently chronicles. Admittedly, poor whites do benefit socially by having white skin, but they still face a significant amount of economic distress.

 

The message that I got from Jim Webb was that, if affirmative action programs are to exist, they should be for their original purposes – to overcome the negative effects of targeted, sustained institutionalized racism sanctioned by government against African Americans. Furthermore, if anti-poverty programs are to be truly  diverse and reach all who need them, they must also be open to people based on class and economic status, not simply race and ethnicity. Essentially, focusing on poverty reduction and social advancement for persons of color and for disadvantaged whites (who in fact make up the majority of public welfare rolls) is the best way to remedy deep-seated social (racial) divisions and to open up opportunities to even greater numbers of Americans who have been left behind. Regardless of the red-meat rhetoric used in his writings, Webb does indeed have a very strong argument.

 

Jim Webb once wrote that “the greatest realignment in modern politics would take place rather quickly if the right national leader found a way to bring the Scots-Irish and African Americans to the same table, and so to redefine a formula that has consciously set them apart for the past two centuries." As the birthplace of American greatest political leaders and its most tragic “peculiar” institution, it would be fitting for Virginia to be the testing ground for such a grand experiment. In 2006, Jim Webb believes that he may be just such a leader for the Commonwealth. Quite frankly, I believe that in June, Democrats ought to give him a shot at proving it.   

 

-- April 17, 2006

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

About Conaway Haskins. Conaway Haskins is a nonprofit executive & freelance writer in Chesterfield County. Read his profile here.

 

Contact him at:

southofthejames

   [at]gmail.com