Inside the Sausage Factory

Ashley Taylor



Judging the Judges                                      

The selection of a new state Supreme Court justice next year will reveal whether Virginia has been corrupted by the politicization of the judicial-approval process in Washington.


 

On February 1, 2003 , Virginia Supreme Court Justice Leroy R. Hassell, Sr. will become the 24th Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Virginia and the Court’s first African-American Chief Justice. Rather than being elevated on the basis of seniority, as in the past, Justice Hassell was elected by a majority vote of the current members of the Court by virtue of a law enacted by the 2002 General Assembly. The opportunity for this historic development was created by the retirement of Chief Justice Harry L. Carrico, which leaves a vacancy on the High Court. How the General Assembly goes about filling the position will be as telling as whom it chooses.

 

 The selection of judges at both the federal and state level has devolved into a political exercise with all of the haggling and partisanship that any political process entails. After loudly demanding for years that no “litmus test” be applied to judicial nominees, Democrats in Washington now state openly that they will consider a nominee’s ideology during the confirmation process. This zealous recommitment to a leftist ideology has caused many highly rated minorities and women, including an unquestionably qualified Hispanic, Miguel Estrada, to be summarily rejected because they dare to think as individuals.

 

The Democrat-controlled Senate’s treatment of President Bush’s nominees has drawn the ire of even the editorial board of the Washington Post. Recently, the Post inveighed against the overtly political nature of the Senate’s treatment of the president’s judicial nominees and posed an important rhetorical question: Do senators really want a confirmation process in which conservatives vote against liberals because they are liberals and liberals oppose conservatives because they are conservative?

 

While in theory the judiciary is supposed to interpret the laws made by the legislature, in reality some judges often rewrite laws with which they disagree under the guise of interpreting ambiguous language. This modern-day practice was one of great concerns held by the founding fathers. As Thomas Jefferson wrote to Spencer Roane in 1821: “The great object of my fear is the … judiciary. That body, like gravity, ever acting with noiseless foot and unalarming advance, gaining ground step by step and holding what it gains, is engulfing insidiously, the special governments into the jaws of that which feeds them.” Jefferson understood the inherent power courts possess and the tendency for that power to be used.

 

 Those blocking the most recent U.S. Supreme Court nominees fear that the president could fill the highly anticipated vacancy on the United States Supreme Court with a strict constructionist. Liberals fear conservative judges because they understand, and have understood for years, that they have been able to achieve much of their agenda only by judicial activism and that once they no longer have a law-writing-

judiciary, they will have to rely on more traditional means to effect policy changes – such as running in and winning elections.

 

 Fortunately, the judicial selection process in Virginia has not been so tainted. Here, courts practice self-restraint and leave the writing of legislation to the legislature. As we face this new appointment to the Supreme Court, however, we should be careful to ensure that this philosophy does not change.

 

The Virginia Supreme Court will, in coming years, decide cases that could lend themselves to creative statutory interpretation. In the past few terms, the Court has grappled with the difficult matters such as new voter identification rules enacted by the General Assembly, the compulsory medication of a criminal defendant who sought to avoid standing trial by refusing to take anti-psychotic drugs prescribed by his physician, and the question of whether the burning of a cross is speech protected by the First Amendment. These were closely decided cases, the outcome of which could have been changed by the vote of a single justice. Once the Virginia Supreme Court ruled, often based upon its interpretation of a statute or Virginia Constitutional provision, there was no place to file an appeal, as the judges have the last word on issues of state law.

 

As the new appointment to Virginia ’s highest court is debated on the op-ed pages and discussed within legal and political circles across the Commonwealth, commentators and most members of the bar will plead with the Republicans not to make a political selection.  On the other hand, the party activists, those that put up the signs in the rain and work the polls, will expect the Republicans to keep ideology in mind as the potential nominees are selected. Those who toil in the political trenches know that the courts, including the Virginia Supreme Court, are a critical component in our political system and play a significant role in shaping public policy.

 

The selection of judges in Virginia , though not as openly partisan and hostile as the process at the federal level, is nevertheless an expression of political power. That is not to say that courts are overtly political, but they do arbitrate disputes often arising a political context.

 

The proclivity of some judges to rewrite the laws was on full display in New Jersey when scandal-ridden Senator Robert G. Torricelli, trailing in the polls, pulled out of the race. New Jersey election law clearly states – no need for interpretation – that the deadline for removing a name from the ballot is 51 days, a deadline that Torricelli missed. The Democrat party of New Jersey ignored the law and substituted a popular former Senator Frank Lautenberg, for Torricelli. The case came before the New Jersey Supreme Court, where the justices ruled unanimously that 51 days does not mean 51 days. The Court did not feel the necessity to follow the law, but only to fix a “fair” result. The thud you hear is the rule of law being tossed in the trash can. This result, by the way, is partly the legacy of former Governor Chris tie Todd Whitman, a Republican, who appointed a majority of the court. Thus one sees in New Jersey how the legacy of the Republican-controlled Virginia General Assembly could be written, in part, by the Justice they select to replace retiring Chief Justice Carrico.

 

While wandering in the desert of the political minority for years, Republicans claimed that they would improve the process by which judges are selected and select judges that reflect Virginia ’s values. With the impending retirement of Chief Justice Carrico, the Republicans have an opportunity to make a statement about their own values and whether those values will be given a voice on the highest court in the Commonwealth. Let’s hope they make a wise choice.

 

-- October 28, 2002

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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